Independence
in sentence
1892 examples of Independence in a sentence
In 1971, though, Bangladesh’s
independence
from Pakistan, facilitated by India, allowed for the possibility of a solution, and a land-boundary agreement was concluded in 1974.
Kenya, for example, won its
independence
partly in an anti-colonial war of liberation in which both the British colonial forces and the Mau Mau movement resorted to terrorism.
Kenya's Mau Mau war delivered
independence
in 1963; the Algerian revolution liberated that country in 1962; anti-colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau destroyed the Portuguese empire in 1974; the anti-UDI struggle in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) ended white rule; and the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa finally triumphed against the apartheid racial order.
The ECB, protected by statutory
independence
and a price-stability mandate, has shown no inclination to accede to pressure from French President Nicolas Sarkozy or anyone else.
As a result of the government’s threat to the
independence
of the judiciary, they concluded, “the bone and sinew of the results of our long and hard labors thus become as running water.”
For example, the relative
independence
of the BBC, sometimes a source of consternation to British governments, has paid rich dividends in credibility, as illustrated by this account of Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete’s day: “he rises at dawn, listens to the BBC World Service, then scans the Tanzanian press.”
Once the colonies had achieved
independence
– Saudi Arabia, today a Sunni regional power, was created in 1932 – a new attempt was made to unite the Arab nation by means of the political Islam that emerged in the 1920’s in response to the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate.
Fixing America’s campaign finance structure, which leads to massive misallocations of government funds, resuscitating America’s wildly uneven and often moribund education system, building an immigration system that actively recruits the most talented people from around the world via a fast track to US citizenship, and developing a national energy policy that moves the US far more quickly toward energy
independence
would all be important steps in this direction.
Pioneering Moroccan feminists began their work soon after
independence
in 1956.
The parties tussling over Georgia’s breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia spent some 15 years taking part in confidence-building measures, before Russia upended the status quo in 2008 by recognizing both regions’
independence.
The possible longer-run knock-on effects in Europe – including likely Scottish independence; possible Catalonian independence; a breakdown of free movement of people in the EU; a surge in anti-immigrant politics (including the possible election of Trump and France’s Marine Le Pen) – are enormous.
When Estonia gained
independence
in 1991, Moscow sought to portray Estonia as a land with huge economic problems, unsuitable for investment.
When Georgia gained
independence
in 1991, it did not receive the same sort of help from Western Europe.
Estonia demonstrated – at
independence
and again during the recent crisis over the movement of a Soviet-era memorial – that with determination and strong support, Russian pressure can be resisted.
Georgia can reasonably hope that it will achieve real independence, but what about Moldova, Europe’s poorest country and one threatened by Russia more than the Estonians – or, indeed, the Georgians – ever were?
It made a wretched start at
independence
when the industrial region of Transdnistria – populated by Russian and Ukrainian speakers who feared that the majority of Moldovans, who are of Romanian descent, planned closer ties with Romania – declared
independence.
Transdnistria’s
independence
has never been recognized, either by Moldova or internationally.
The peaceful vote in Montenegro last weekend may presage conflict and difficult decisions about independence, but chances are strong that the parties will settle these matters by talking rather than fighting.
Russian President Dmitri Medvedev pushed the SCO to recognize the
independence
of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
As Brazil, Colombia, South Korea, and others have learned, limited controls that target specific markets such as bonds or short-term bank lending do not have a significant impact on key outcomes – the exchange rate, monetary independence, or domestic financial stability.
An increased degree of international financial
independence
is among the consequences of the raw materials bonanza.
Second, at a time when economic globalization is rendering national borders porous, political leaders may get carried away by their rhetoric of
independence.
And, indeed, Merkel’s criticism in Munich of Russia for invading Crimea and supporting Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was met with Lavrov’s assertions that the West ignored the sovereignty norm in international law by invading Iraq and recognizing Kosovo’s
independence.
As China attempts to tighten its grip on Hong Kong, Li is showing independence, and China’s new rulers – who, true to their communist roots, believe firmly in top-down control – do not like it one bit.
For example, officials recently declared that judicial
independence
and the separation of powers are “colonial” legacies that should be discarded, with China’s government and Hong Kong’s chief executive, not the local courts, calling all the shots.
For almost two decades, Taiwan’s presidential elections have attracted global attention not only for the robustness of Taiwan’s democratic culture, but also for the perennial question of whether the winner would seek formal
independence
for Taiwan.
This focus supported the ascendancy of “inflation-targeting” as the favored monetary policy framework and, in turn, led to operational
independence
for central banks.
This has triggered a search for a radical redefinition of central banks’ objectives – and has cast doubt on the appropriateness of maintaining their
independence.
This shift toward multiple policy objectives inevitably reduces central-bank
independence.
Opponents of central-bank
independence
contend that, given the allocational and distributional consequences of current monetary-policy interventions, central banks’ decision-making should be subject to political control.
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