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Indeed in sentence

12187 examples of Indeed in a sentence

Indeed, ignorance about what is actually at risk makes debates about the right formula for capital buffers surreal.
Indeed, when Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) finally presented their coalition agreement on November 27, the working group on foreign and security policy had been finished with its job for two weeks.
Indeed, last summer, when speculation that the Fed would soon begin to taper its purchases of long-term assets (so-called quantitative easing), financial-market pressures were strongest in markets suspected of having weak fundamentals.
Indeed, more than three-fifths of developing countries – many of which are strong economic performers that benefited from pre-crisis reforms (and thus attracted more stable capital inflows like foreign-direct investment) – actually appreciated last spring and summer.
Indeed, it arguably helped Mexico avoid joining the Fragile Five.
Indeed, the environmental movement – like most modern social movements – began in the US.
Indeed, even Bush’s own political base, the Christian fundamentalists, are becoming “green,” pressuring the administration to sign the Kyoto Protocol because they believe that the environment must be protected just like unborn life.
Indeed, the greening of America is becoming a general proposition.
Indeed, the Washington debate surrounding how to “fix Iraq” is irrelevant, because something that does not exist any longer – namely, Iraq as a functioning state – cannot be fixed.
Indeed, the very foundation of Iraq was based on victors’ justice: the British Empire, having vanquished the Ottomans, made the Sunni Arabs overlords in a country in which they were a minority.
Indeed, if the standards of domestic trade laws were applied internationally, perhaps a majority of firms within the US would be guilty of dumping.
Indeed, in 2012, the IMF calculated that the consolidated public sector accounted for nearly 70% of Russia’s GDP.
Indeed, with the expansion of the large state corporations, many of them in the hands of cronies, competition has drastically diminished in many sectors.
This incremental approach has worked well in the past; indeed, today’s European Union resulted from it.
Indeed, even firms in advanced industrial countries that have not received a subsidy are at an unfair advantage.
During Megawati's trip to America to support President Bush's policy, indeed, the government in Jakarta was almost incapacitated by these small, noisy and radical Islamic groups.
Indeed, European Commission President José Manuel Barroso has said that the EU may reject Scotland and Catalonia’s applications, or at least delay them considerably, even if the UK and Spain do accept their independence.
How can Europe pretend to stand for an ambitious message when it picks such low-profile – indeed, practically anonymous – messengers to deliver it?
If that is true in the United States, where unemployment is 40% lower than in Europe, the prospects for European growth appear bleak indeed.
Indeed, there is increasing worry about deflation, which increases leverage and the burden of debt levels that are already too high.
Indeed, planning for the annual US-South Korea spring exercises is always based on the premise that North Korea has invaded the South, not vice versa.
Indeed, the great paradox of the current era of globalization is that the quest for homogeneity has been accompanied by a longing for ethnic and religious roots.
Indeed, under Chirac, France appears increasingly arrogant, a nation convinced of the righteousness of its views and the universality of its model - the very charges so often levelled against George W. Bush's America.
Neither Communism, nor variations of fascism, or indeed radical nationalism, had much of a chance to develop in Europe under Pax Americana.
Illiquid but potentially solvent economies, such as Italy and Spain, will need support from Europe regardless of whether Greece exits; indeed, without such liquidity support, a self-fulfilling run on Italian and Spanish public debt is likely.
Indeed, these new development-finance institutions are seen as a reaction against the Bretton Woods institutions, whose pursuit of neoliberal austerity policies and failure to reform their governance structures to share power with emerging economies, has been blamed for strangling public spending, de-industrialization, and the dismantling of national development banks.
Indeed, the struggle for sustainability, especially in Africa, is becoming a new battleground, featuring deployments by the BRICS, the G-20, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), Mercosur, and other international groupings and local vested interests.
Indeed, while the economies of Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone grew rapidly in the ten years prior to the Ebola outbreak – at average annual rates of 2.8%, 10%, and 8%, respectively – their populations have seen little improvement in their daily lives.
Indeed, these countries’ lack of an established social contract has been the main obstacle to establishing political authority and effective governance.
Indeed, Northeast Asia would become the third major axis of regional economic integration, following the EU and NAFTA.
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