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Increasingly in sentence

5191 examples of Increasingly in a sentence

For example, many think of the reform era, especially the 1980s, as a time of pluralistic political discourse and an increasingly vibrant civil society.
As solar power becomes increasingly cost-effective, countries located within the planet’s sun belt could develop entirely new business models as cheap, clean energy enables them to process their raw materials locally, adding value – and profit – prior to export.
Factors like these explain why international climate policies increasingly focus not only on solar power, but on other forms of renewable energy as well.
They are increasingly convinced that “victory” will be elusive in any asymmetric conflict between states, however powerful, and religiously driven armed insurgents.
Most states nowadays lie within borders that are widely accepted as legitimate, and they increasingly abide by international norms of behavior in times of war.
Iraq's Next Shock Will be Shock TherapyWith one exception - the actual military "victory," which looks increasingly Pyrrhic - President Bush's Iraqi adventure has been marked by repeated failures.
In addition, China is investing $32 billion – more than any other country – in renewables overseas, with top-tier Chinese companies increasingly taking the lead in global renewable-energy value chains.
And now, after four decades of rapid development, the country is increasingly presenting itself as a teacher.
Meanwhile, developing countries are increasingly questioning whether Chinese investment is really helping them.
That is why, two years after the Paris accord was successfully negotiated, we are increasingly aligning actions and resources in support of developing countries’ goals.
Globalization for EveryoneLIMA – Nowadays, globalization’s opponents seem increasingly to be drowning out its defenders.
In the Baltic states, people are increasingly worried that geopolitical competition over the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline linking Russia to Germany will affect writers’ freedom of speech to opine on Russian President Vladimir Putin’s regime.
Once formulated through negotiations conducted at the political center, where Western democracies have long been anchored, policymaking is increasingly shaped by stubborn forces on the extreme left and right.
Europe now seems to be headed down a similar path, as non-traditional parties – many of them driven by single issues – become increasingly influential.
Instead of bowing to polarization and paralysis, policymakers should be promoting growth- and productivity-enhancing infrastructure investments, funded at exceptionally low interest rates, scaling up labor-market reforms, and working to address the growing income and wealth inequality that is increasingly limiting access to economic opportunity.
Add to that an increasingly polarized and quasi-tribal news media, which can amplify divisions in society, and the scope for collaborative transformation is extremely limited.
At most the question is dealt with narrowly, in terms of immigration quotas and border restrictions, not in terms of the social problems and opportunities created by an increasingly racially mixed Europe.
It seems that Sirisena’s increasingly strained relations with Wickremesinghe, whose pro-democracy United National Party is the SLFP’s main opponent in the upcoming election, together with growing factionalism within the SLFP, left the president little choice but to accommodate Rajapaksa.
Currently, Madison’s co-author Alexander Hamilton is on everyone’s mind in Brussels, as watered-down versions of his concept of fiscal federalism are increasingly perceived as the solution to the eurozone’s malaise.
As the eurozone crisis worsens, they are increasingly driven by domestic political pressures, and their motivation to accommodate common European interests diminishes.
As they close in on effective joint banking and fiscal policies incorporating more and more elements of Hamilton’s fiscal federalism, they are increasingly constrained by state politics – exactly as Europe’s leaders are inhibited in the current system.
Those who do vote increasingly choose anti-establishment parties that often espouse extreme views.
This is a high-stakes issue, as it will determine the capacity of states to remain fiscally solvent in increasingly digital economies.
Instead, it seemed increasingly clear that, as Milton Friedman put it, “inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon.”
More recently, technological advances have become an increasingly important driver of structural transformation, with information technology and job automation reducing wage rates for low-skill jobs and further eroding the political and market power of organized labor.
As a result, while central bankers before the 2008 financial crisis viewed themselves as heroes in a battle against inflation, they increasingly found themselves offsetting structural deflationary pressures by setting interest rates low enough to stimulate credit booms.
Indeed, continued real-wage growth is forcing inefficient industries that relied solely on cheap labor out of the market, while bolstering the competitiveness of producers that appeal to the evolving tastes of China’s increasingly potent consumers.
The trend is reinforced as elections become more expensive in both countries, leaving politicians increasingly dependent on contributions from wealthy donors who demand policies that are favorable to their interests.
As the rich secede from the public infrastructure upon which the rest of society depends, it has become increasingly challenging to tax them in order to pay for services that they do not want or need.
Increasingly, the EU is coming to be seen as a practical – and absolutely essential – mechanism for a group of small countries to work together to meet their common challenges.
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