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Incomes in sentence

1233 examples of Incomes in a sentence

In this vision, Latin superiority consists in a more expansive view of the state’s capacity to secure incomes and create wealth, and less of the “Protestant” obsession with the individual’s work.
In countries where transmission is intense, incomes tend to be a third less than in other countries.
As unemployment falls and middle-class incomes begin growing, the populist temptation will wither, or so they hope.
The economic explanation emphasizes that in a world of widening economic inequality and stagnating middle-class incomes (here the United States is cited as Exhibit A), no one should be surprised if angry middle- and working-class voters turn to politicians who promise to reverse these trends.
In the near term, the global crisis is likely to become worse as many governments, especially in advanced economies, prioritize fiscal austerity and tough labor-market reforms, even as such measures undermine livelihoods, incomes, and the social fabric.
With inequality and unemployment higher, and incomes and domestic markets shrinking, everyone hopes to recover by exporting – an obviously impossible solution.
Lifestyle changes, for example, have spurred increasing per capita water consumption, with rising incomes promoting dietary change, for example, especially higher consumption of meat, production of which is ten times more water-intensive, on average, than plant-based calories and proteins.
Among its objectives are a doubling of GDP and average rural and urban household incomes relative to their 2010 levels.
Europe's politicians will be tempted to simply jack up the fiscal deficit to boost domestic incomes rather than undergo politically painful but necessary rationalization.
The New Socialism of FoolsBERKELEY – According to mainstream economic theory, globalization tends to “lift all boats,” and has little effect on the broad distribution of incomes.
The best way to enhance both equity and growth is effective development of human capital, which not only supports higher incomes today, but also ensures intergenerational mobility tomorrow.
The policy focus, therefore, must also be on what Yale University political scientist Jacob Hacker calls “pre-distribution”: changing the market-determined structure of wage incomes.
Attempts to convert national incomes into a common denominator are fraught with complications.
This problem is hardly unique to comparisons of China and the US; it applies with perhaps even greater force when comparing incomes of the poor in Mumbai with those of the poor in Freetown.
Of course, economic grievances alone do not fuel anti-globalization sentiment; populism has emerged even in countries with low unemployment and rising incomes.
Indeed, economic openness has helped to lift millions of developing-country citizens out of poverty, which is why the economist Branko Milanovic argues that globalization has driven “the greatest reshuffle of individual incomes since the Industrial Revolution.”
Even where incomes have risen, fiscal tightening and reduced social-welfare spending are impeding advancement for many.
Given that declining rates of extreme poverty would seem to imply incomes high enough to avoid hunger, this substantially slower progress on hunger than on poverty raises awkward questions.
More than half of those jobs – decent jobs that could raise incomes and living standards, particularly for poor households – would go to women.
And, with higher incomes, more people will be able to afford to care for the environment.
All of this will serve to enrich human capital, which is essential to boosting productivity and incomes.
Support for small enterprises often serves social-policy goals – sustaining the incomes of the economy’s poorest and most excluded workers – instead of stimulating output and productivity growth.
A New York Times analysis of exit polls found that voters with annual incomes below $50,000 backed Clinton by about a ten-point margin, while voters with incomes above that level split evenly between the two candidates.
In many countries, such as India, obesity-related illnesses like heart disease are consuming up to 30% of families’ annual incomes.
There are hardly any countries in the world with incomes of less than $50,000 per capita in which government revenues exceed 40% of GDP.
Even those who are working are seeing their incomes shrink.
Despite their declining incomes, households raised their spending in early 2012 at a rapid pace by cutting their saving rate to just 3.7%.
Beyond upgrading manufacturing, developing countries should be preparing for the shift toward services that they will inevitably undergo as incomes rise (though the precise timing is hard to predict).
The options are higher investment levels financed by domestic savings, productivity growth, and increased competitiveness, or stagnant real incomes as rebalancing occurs through the exchange-rate mechanism (or a large dose of domestic deflation in the debt-distressed eurozone countries, since they do not control their own exchange rates).
The convergence of global incomes has blurred the line between “rich” and “poor” countries.
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