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Incentives in sentence

1725 examples of Incentives in a sentence

It is not a good idea to assume that markets will solve these distributional problems by themselves; the evolution of structure and the income distribution are largely the result of market incentives.
Public policies have a role to play not only in providing a cushion for workers in transition, via income support, but also in creating incentives and opportunities for skills acquisition.
Governments should also reinforce the supply of skills by strengthening incentives for educational institutions to harness the power of digital technology and new business models.
By distorting incentives through taxes, regulations, and a runaway welfare state, both countries discouraged growth in their most productive sectors.
Yes, but it must formulate new policies to create incentives for work and education and to facilitate the growth of small and medium-sized enterprises.
Today there is lively debate on institutions and incentives among economists and politicians, and several reforms, including a new tax system, have been introduced over the past few years.
As the former diplomat Thomas Christensen points out in his recent book The China Challenge, China “has major incentives to avoid unnecessary conflict.”
And the problem isn’t limited to such financial products: with issuers of other debt securities choosing and compensating the firms that rate them, the agencies still have strong incentives to reciprocate with good ratings.
On this view, if investors were able to take raters to court, raters’ incentives would improve.
There is thus no substitute for providing raters with incentives to provide as accurate a rating as they can.
If raters’ profits depend on such performance – on the accuracy of their ratings – the profit motive would turn from a source of perverse incentives to a provider of beneficial incentives.
Well, such a mechanism would indeed reduce raters’ negative incentives to compete with one another to please issuers of securities, and to pursue innovations and improvements that enable raters to serve issuers better.
But it would strengthen raters’ positive incentives to compete with one another to produce accurate ratings, and to pursue innovations and improvements that enable raters to achieve that far more socially beneficial goal.
But establishing them would be a bad idea, because to do so would imply that government subsidization of banks, thereby creating incentives for imprudent behavior in the long run.
It helps banks immediately, and it creates the right incentives for future behavior, as banks will know that the government will not prevent private equity capital from being destroyed in a crisis.
The problem is incentives – what bailouts imply for attitudes and behavior within the financial sector.
Top US policymakers acknowledge that this structure of incentives is a problem – interestingly, many of their European counterparts are not yet willing even to discuss these issues openly.
If Saudi Arabia succeeds in transforming its economy, including reforming institutions and restructuring economic incentives, other countries that face similar challenges, in the region and beyond, will be inspired to follow suit.
By contrast, as Henry Kissinger has argued, the victors in World War I could neither deter a defeated Germany nor provide it with incentives to accept the Versailles Treaty.
Many other policies and procedures can be enacted that reduce incentives for corruption.
Raising interest rates on bank deposits, which are now negative in real terms, would reduce incentives for individuals to pour money into equity markets or real estate, mitigating the risk of asset market bubbles and boom-bust cycles in the economy.
A focus on national (and in some places, like Catalonia and Scotland, regional) issues is gaining ground, in line with the incentives of policymakers, whose constituencies are national (or regional).
And, yes, tax incentives are not the only – and perhaps not even the most important – reason why financial institutions use a lot of debt and minimize equity.
But there remain significant barriers to adoption – barriers that governments should dismantle through a combination of incentives, regulatory reform, and institutional upgrading.
In the absence of supporting regional institutions, there is little else to ensure that the desire for peace and prosperity prevails over conditions and incentives that tend toward conflict and war.
We need to communicate our positions clearly to policymakers and reinforce incentives for countries to take appropriate corrective actions.
Public sector firms have incentives to lobby for subsidies, protection and cheap credit.
As a result, while many advanced and developing countries are pursuing far-reaching measures to increase energy efficiency and adopt clean-energy technologies, their existing technologies, incentives, regulations, and commitments imply a sharp rise in total carbon emissions in the coming decades.
Given the structure of the problem – sequential decision-making with uncertainty about all the relevant parameters (including costs, the efficient pattern of mitigation, and technology) – it would be wiser to adopt a more flexible strategy that provides incentives and regulations to achieve measurable intermediate progress, while generating a lot of useful information along the way.
As these are still unknown today, the initial challenge will be to jump-start the mitigation and learning processes, and create powerful incentives for technology that will increase energy efficiency and reduce CO2 emissions in the long run.
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