Immigration
in sentence
1300 examples of Immigration in a sentence
It sends a strong message about
immigration
and labour without preaching.
The Party which you refer to is called "Dansk Folkeparti" and they "only" have 12,5% of the votes and is not racist, but they are very hard on immigration, I hate this party from the bottom of my heart, but I love the movie, I think it is the best danish movie ever.
Satire that is funny without being vicious, "Coneheads" has a smart observation about everything American from golf to
immigration
policy.
The same complaint could be made about Trump’s views on climate change, immigration, foreign policy, or even gun control.
Europe also must at last grasp the nettle of
immigration
policy – something that has persistently eluded generations of political leaders.
Agreed EU-wide
immigration
rules are needed to reconcile shrinking Europe’s hunger for imported labor with widespread fears of cultural tensions and social unrest.
During the two-year period before Britain’s withdrawal takes final effect, there would be UK-EU negotiations on many points – sovereignty, the legal order, immigration, finances, and economic matters.
May’s objectives – restriction of
immigration
from the EU while maintaining full access to the European single market – are fundamentally incompatible.
The population is declining, but
immigration
is blocked for ideological reasons.
In Europe, populist parties have tended to emphasize their aversion to European integration, with those on the right often also condemning immigration, while the left denounces rising economic inequality.
And they should be pursuing
immigration
reform to overhaul a system that penalizes talent, encourages malfeasance, and, as illustrated by the thousands of migrants who have drowned in the Mediterranean Sea in recent years while trying to reach Europe, often leads to human tragedy.
Europe's Divided Racial HouseA common feature of Europe's extreme right is its racism and use of the
immigration
issue as a political wedge.
At most the question is dealt with narrowly, in terms of
immigration
quotas and border restrictions, not in terms of the social problems and opportunities created by an increasingly racially mixed Europe.
Of course, a clear
immigration
policy is needed in order to avoid the accumulation of illegal immigrants.
This makes an increase in
immigration
unavoidable.
Trump could also limit the US’s growth potential by restricting
immigration.
Trump and his allies are also pursuing sharp reductions in legal immigration, which would reduce the US’s medium-term growth prospects, perhaps significantly.
Consider Germany’s refugee and
immigration
policies.
In Europe, the debate is characterized by dissent and division, exemplified by the United Kingdom’s recent vote to leave the European Union – an outcome that was shaped largely by overblown fears about
immigration.
So it is little wonder that it is in these places that most illegal
immigration
and human trafficking occurs – pirates in the Straits of Malacca, fast boats between Albania and Italy, and desperate human cargoes from Africa and Latin America.
But disenchantment with globalization – and, in some regions, fear of immigration– has since set in.
Increased negative sentiment could have the worst possible result: not just Doha’s failure, but also the raising of trade and
immigration
barriers.
Even if freeing up
immigration
multilaterally seems too difficult to include as part of a Doha round agreement, individual countries could do so unilaterally with the stroke of a pen.
While a lot of attention has been paid to headline-grabbing issues like
immigration
and national security, American voters are highly concerned about economic issues – concerns that the leading candidates would address in very different ways.
Right-wing populists, as nationalist and anti-European as they may be, also seem eager to support one another at the European level, taking advantage of their common platforms on most issues, particularly immigration, cultural identity, and trade.
This will be more difficult for the far left, at least in France, which combines traditionally liberal views on
immigration
with protectionist economic policies that look at lot like those espoused by the populist right.
Britain, May has made clear, doesn’t want an arrangement like that of Switzerland or Norway, because that would require it to cede some control over its
immigration
policy.
The government can guarantee less
immigration
only by wrecking the economy, which would then be blamed, naturally, on European viciousness.
Her ultimate objective is to survive as Prime Minister, and she believes that controlling
immigration
– a longtime personal obsession – will endear her to “Leave” voters, and that ending the European Court of Justice’s jurisdiction in Britain will pacify the nationalists in her Conservative Party.
In a fast-changing geopolitical and economic environment – characterized by challenges like interest-rate rises spurred by high debt levels; competitive corporate-tax reductions; changing
immigration
patterns; and a possible slowdown in the pace of globalization – small countries must be able to identify and assess risks, and adjust their strategies accordingly.
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