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Identity in sentence

1935 examples of Identity in a sentence

Worse still, factional conflict would undermine further development of a post-Saddam Iraqi identity.
Today’s sentiment has been fueled by populist parties positioning themselves as guardians of national identity.
For young British Muslims, our globalized world challenges key beliefs, destabilizing their identity and thus encouraging a defensive response.
Yet they are using this freedom to deepen family and cultural ties to the closed world of their inherited Muslim identity, particularly its politics.
As young Muslims in Britain (and across the West) try to maneuver between the various, and often conflicting, aspects of their identity, three clear tendencies have emerged.
By defining people on the basis of their religion, nuances – of national identity or of the degree of orthodoxy – are lost.
This plays into the hands of radicals, because it makes Islam the central element of identity.
They may now seek a deeper connection to their Muslim identity, but, having learned to question authority, they are unlikely to accept rigid parental or Islamic traditions.
In essence, she was asking people about their sense of what is important in life and about their own personal sense of identity.
Virtually every country is a pastiche of local cultures that differ in how they motivate people and shape their personal identity.
Only by transforming Saudi Arabia’s currently monolithic Saudi/Wahhabi national identity into a more inclusive one will the Kingdom become a model that is attractive to its minorities.
Unlike the US, which was founded on a political cause – opposition to British colonialism – that forged a common national identity, countries joining the European Union sought simply to avoid further warfare on the continent.
While laudable, this cause was inadequate to foster a shared European identity.
On the contrary, it allowed national identity to flourish.
That December vote on the EU Constitutional Treaty closed this parenthesis: by approving of it, the Socialists consciously accepted a reformist, social democratic, European identity.
Since Muhammad Ali’s leadership in the nineteenth century, the army has been identified with modernization, progress, and secularization – a bearer of national identity that has ruled the country for the last 60 years.
When, in demanding the right to have their children educated in Turkish, they proclaim that the "mother tongue is a human right", Germany's Turkish residents are not asserting some primordial identity but marking out a new, freely-chosen identity in the language of universal rights.
In doing this they seek to crash through the gates of fortress Europe, refusing to be imprisoned by its narrow assumptions of national or European identity.
A new constitution, backed by a national referendum, is part of this drive to reshape Taiwan's identity and distinguish the new generation of politicians from those who arrived as exiles from the mainland.
Amid economic struggle, national identity crises, and populist fearmongering – all amplified by social media – there is some sense in gravitating toward voices and ideas that provide comfort and an outlet for frustration.
But identity politics, it is well known, can be very destructive.
Fears over the effect of immigration on national values and on a coherent sense of American identity have existed since the nation’s early years.
But one’s state was not a fully formed nation, with its own shared and deeply ingrained history, culture, ethnic identity, and religion.
Still, the fact is that Myanmar’s failure to construct an inclusive national identity has allowed old ethnic rivalries to continue to fuel terrorism, stifling the resource-rich country’s potential.
The “virus” of depression and schizophrenia, including their milder forms, is cultural in origin: the embarrassment of choices that these societies offer in terms of self-definition and personal identity leaves many of their members disoriented and adrift.
But, because of its secular tradition (now being challenged by the current regime), its non-Arab identity, its behavior towards its Kurdish minority, and the ambivalence of the Ottoman legacy, Turkey is as much a counter-model as a model.
Never resolved, modern Turkey’s deep identity complex is now shaking its strategic alliances and recasting its regional and global role.
Turkey’s powerful military establishment may want to maintain close relations with Israel, but the widely popular change in Turkey’s foreign policy priorities, and the serious identity dilemmas facing the nation, send an unequivocal message that the alliance can no longer serve as an alternative to peace with the Arab world.
For example, many in the deaf community have rejected cochlear implants, because they do not regard deafness as a disability that needs to be corrected, but as a part of their life and cultural identity.
But the experts enlisted by the Copenhagen Consensus Center found one governance-related target that actually would do some good for each dollar spent: “By 2030, provide legal identity for all, including birth registration.”
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