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Identity in sentence

1935 examples of Identity in a sentence

Addressing the MMOA would contribute to reversing the low productivity of target-based discoveries, because merely knowing the identity of a part involved in a defect may not be sufficient to repair a malfunctioning machine.
But that does not amount to anything close to a shared identity.
Indeed, like the EU, the UK suffers from a lack of a unifying identity or story.
Of course, that does not mean that no identity is claimed.
Indeed, the key elements of modern British identity all seem to belong to England, rather than to the composite entity.
But the effort to build a new, composite identity clearly fell short.
Trump, for example, undoubtedly succeeded in persuading some Americans to see themselves as part of something like a white identity movement.
But that identity – and the way its adherents frame their interests – could change again.
The idea that the Dutch and the French elections heralded the arrival of a “post-populist moment” fails to appreciate the distinction between populism as a claim to a moral monopoly on representation and the policies – think of restrictions on immigration – typically promoted by populists as part of their exclusionary identity politics.
This would require an enhanced level of European identity, something which the Union’s political elites cannot generate artificially.
Populism is a kind of identity politics.
The Sunnis, after all, are no more secular than the Shia; they simply have an interest in reducing the importance of a sectarian identity that dooms them to minority status.
They must resist the temptation to use official power to benefit themselves, their families, or their cultural identity group, and refuse enticements, however powerful they may be, to offer special access or protection to friends, funders, and lobbyists.
These politicians must offer an inclusive, rather than nativist, conception of national identity, and their politics must remain squarely within liberal democratic norms.
In a global information age, governance systems capable of addressing fundamental issues like security, welfare, liberty, and identity will require coalitions that are small enough to function efficiently and a decision concerning what to do about those who are underrepresented.
Who Threatens Our Identity?
PRAGUE: Identity and sovereignty are often discussed nowadays.
Today’s talk about identity and sovereignty is often rather gloomy.
Yet they all derive from a traditional misconception – the belief that upholding character, identity or sovereignty is not principally the task of a community or a people but is something left in the control of others; that is, left to those who would attempt to deprive “us” of our identity, or at least to weaken it.
I do not think, however, that the world’s main concern is to find ways to rob people of their identity and sovereignty.
In other words: those who defile “our” identity are primarily ourselves – we who should be its protectors and guardians.
Behind these visible assaults on identity found in every industrial country, the postcommunist countries confront other serious threats to both sovereignty and identity.
I repeat: if a nation's identity is jeopardized, it is placed in that position primarily from within; it is placed in jeopardy by choice – often the choices expressed at the ballot box – and out of negligence or indolence.
Threats to identity nowadays are primarily not matters of dictates from outside.
If we really want it, if we all are prepared to express the desire to preserve community and identity by taking part in elections and by making the right choices, an open international environment and the advanced democratic cultures of our neighbors, friends and allies constitutes the best ground for advancing a people’s uniqueness.
Nowadays, any identity can truly live and flourish only if it breathes the free air of the world; if it defines itself against a background of lasting and living neighborly relations with other identities; and, if it confronts, in a dignified manner, both the adverse winds that blow across today’s world and, perhaps more importantly, the adverse desires that come from within.
But deeper questions about identity, political legitimacy, and trust in institutions cannot be addressed by tinkering with the Stability and Growth Pact.
And it means, more broadly, setting out a positive vision of shared identity based on openness, tolerance, and diversity that can bring together people of all backgrounds.
But that search for long historical continuity is facile, for it misses one of the key determinants of debt sustainability: the identity of the state’s creditor.
The same could be said of the current conflict between Vladimir Putin’s Russia and the West: It is, at root, a collision between the West’s supposedly universal values and Russia’s quest for a distinct identity.
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