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Identity in sentence

1935 examples of Identity in a sentence

Dialogue with Islamic and Arabic cultures also helped form our identity.
These changes left Turkey, a key state bridging East and West, pitting identity against ideology.
When national identity is all there is, right-wing populists can win support by defending it against “foreign” Europe.
The second topic is personal identity.
Whereas we commonly take the distinction between our self and others as an all-or-nothing matter, because we assume that we are the same person throughout our life, Parfit argued that our identity changes over time as the psychological connections between our earlier and later selves alter.
This is where faith becomes a badge of identity in opposition to those who do not share it, a kind of spiritual nationalism that regards those who do not agree – even those within a faith who live a different view of it – as unbelievers, infidels, and thus enemies.
Others might insist on waiting for the emergence of a European identity before devising ways to create a single European polity.
And yet, in his book The Quartet: Orchestrating the Second American Revolution, the American historian Joseph J. Ellis points out that at the time that phrase was written, few in the country had a strong American identity.
The first is cultural: to protect and strengthen the identity of the Scottish people.
Should the Scottish independence campaign be hailed as a breakthrough for claims to cultural identity and self-governance?
I am personally sympathetic to Scotland’s independence as a way to bolster Scottish democracy and cultural identity.
In other words, a man or a woman is more than his or her psyche; more than his or her biochemistry; and more than his or her social identity.
But the drive to impose a homogeneous identity on a diverse society is hardly unique to Israel.
Rather than celebrating diversity, people are increasingly eager to embrace a particular and exclusive identity.
Moreover, Western Europe is largely secular, whereas much of Central and Eastern Europe (not to mention the US) is more likely to link its identity to a religion-based moral order.
The social-welfare state, the nationalists claim, cannot substitute for ethnic identity.
Lacking unified leadership, Libyans reverted to tribal and regional allegiances, at the expense of a shared national identity.
While identity theft is by no means exclusively a Chinese problem, such experiences create the impression that technological modernization in China may be outpacing regulation and data-security infrastructure.
Exclusionary rhetoric plays into the hands of those who reduce identity to nativist definitions.
We emphasize that societies are divided by two potential cleavages: an identity split that separates a minority from the ethnic, religious, or ideological majority, and a wealth gap that pits the rich against the rest of society.
Finally, greater attention is being paid to developing a pan-African identity, and African fashions, films, and foods are expanding to new markets.
Of course, the cities of England’s north are proud of their unique histories and eager to maintain their individual sense of identity.
Yet the identity of integrated western Europe was the product of the horrors of the second world war and of the divisions and fears of the cold war period.
Sarkozy succeeded by embracing themes of national identity and immigration.
Sarkozy’s embrace of the theme that France’s national identity has come under threat, which he linked to immigration, is not enough to make him an American style neo-conservative.
They are eager for a sense of purpose and identity – emotional goods that radical Islam, and ISIS ideology in particular, can offer.
But none of this will suffice to address the identity crisis of the second- and third-generation immigrants who have proved vulnerable to ISIS ideology.
Both campaigns focus on French identity.
But whereas Juppé, who coined the term l’identité heureuse (the happy identity), aims to transcend the deepening divisions within French society, Sarkozy seems poised to capitalize on them, presenting Islam as a fundamental threat to the French way of life.
And though Juppé remains far ahead in the opinion polls so far, the French could reject his happy version of French identity, in favor of Sarkozy’s much darker one.
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