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Hypothesis in sentence

287 examples of Hypothesis in a sentence

The entire movie is just taking Michael Moore's hypothesis and applying it to something "real life" in hopes of validating and it fails, not necessarily because the hypothesis is wrong, but because the movie is wrong and doesn't support it.
If Bill Maher followed his hypothesis to its logical conclusion, he would realize that the very creation of Israel in the Palestinian Territories is based on the so called 'holy books' of organized religion.
There are a large number of his films that would support this hypothesis.
However, it's a very believable hypothesis, and gripping entertainment.
Having been taking photos and videos of the places I travel to (not least Thailand and Bangkok which is one of my favorite cities on earth) I can assure you that anyone who is capable of holding a camera in a hand and can speak and is not an alien from Mars can make a similar 'documentary' about pretty much anything and 'prove' any point or hypothesis.
The hypothesis of Chabrol: that life in society is only possible if it is based on lies, in the film, is a total lie!
The hypothesis is lost...
Thatcher was referring specifically to the dangers of fixed exchange rates, and can certainly not be counted as one of the principal architects of the so-called “efficient markets hypothesis.”
Ironically, the wave of protests since then is consistent with the “modernization hypothesis” that Putin’s government has always used to justify the rollback of democracy in Russia: democracy is sustainable only if society is sufficiently well-off and has a solid middle class; until then, centralized rule is needed.
The popular “discouraged worker” hypothesis holds that a slide into deflation is costly, because a long recession induces workers to leave the labor force altogether.
The first days of the conflict in Georgia crushed this hypothesis.
The obvious hypothesis to explain why the current US recovery – like the previous two – has proceeded at a sub-par pace is that the speed of any recovery is linked to what caused the downturn.
On the first question, one hypothesis is that new digital technologies are changing the structural incentives for corporations, political parties, and other major institutions.
An alternative hypothesis, which seems to fit the facts, recently emerged from the Paul Woolley Centre for the Study of Dysfunctionality in Capital Markets, at the London School of Economics.
Indeed, the hypothesis of “secular stagnation” proposed by Larry Summers is consistent with this fall.
Finance theorists have written reams on the consequences of the failure of the “efficient markets” hypothesis.
In this dispute, Smith comes down firmly on the side of van Delden and Battin, finding that “the empirical evidence gathered in the two jurisdictions does not support the hypothesis that physician-assisted death has imposed a particular risk to socially vulnerable populations.”
For example, after 1960, when the University of Chicago started creating a Univac computer tape that contained systematic information about millions of stock prices, a great deal of scientific research on the properties of stock prices was taken as confirming the “efficient markets hypothesis.”
All trading schemes not based on this hypothesis were labeled as either misguided or outright frauds.
This hypothesis may soon get a real-world test.
Its leaders and acolytes want to teach schoolchildren that evolutionary theory is just another hypothesis about the origin of life, equivalent to religious propositions.
This correlation is reinforced by the convergence hypothesis – the benchmark theory for estimating an economy’s potential growth rate – which states that a rapidly growing developing economy’s real growth rate will slow when it reaches a certain share of the per capita capital stock and income of an advanced economy.
Without negative external shocks, exorbitant TFP growth would have declined gradually, as the returns from institutional adjustment, reallocation of resources, and technological catch-up naturally diminished, in accordance with the convergence hypothesis.
Indeed, considering that China’s per capita income amounts to only about 10-20% of that of the US, with massive regional differentials within China, its growth potential, as dictated by the convergence hypothesis, is far from tapped.
This response is based on the hypothesis that, unlike the Greece crisis, which is a genuine case of insolvency, the Spanish and Italian crises are mainly attributable to self-fulfilling speculation.
For me, a compelling hypothesis is that workers, shaken by the 2008 financial crisis and the deep recession that resulted, have grown afraid to demand promotions or to search for better-paying employers – despite the ease of finding work in the recently tight labor market.
A corollary hypothesis is that employers, disturbed by the extremely slow growth of productivity, especially in the past ten years, have grown leery of granting pay raises – despite the return of demand to pre-crisis proportions.
This hypothesis is supported by the findings of a 2013 study that tested people’s ability to predict male sexual orientation by looking only at photographed faces.
In May 2009, my PIMCO colleagues and I went public with this hypothesis, calling it the “new normal.”
Meanwhile, policymakers were lulled into complacency by the widespread acceptance of economic theories such as the “efficient-market hypothesis,” which assumes that investors act rationally and use all available information when making their decisions.
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