Example collocations logo

Hypotheses in sentence

91 examples of Hypotheses in a sentence

So, we came up with multiple hypotheses: there's little green people down there taking it; there's all sorts of things going on.
If our hypotheses are borne out, it's our hope that results from this work will inform debates about social services that have the potential to effect millions of families with young children.
Of course, we didn't tell them our hypotheses.
We talked to them, confirmed some hypotheses and identified some serious questions about gender difference and play.
Now, a reasonable person could have any number of hypotheses.
So, to summarize: Prakash, in its five years of existence, it's had an impact in multiple areas, ranging from basic neuroscience plasticity and learning in the brain, to clinically relevant hypotheses like in autism, the development of autonomous machine vision systems, education of the undergraduate and graduate students, and most importantly in the alleviation of childhood blindness.
And so, once we have identified the key components of the tumor environment, we can propose hypotheses and simulate scenarios and therapeutic interventions all in a completely safe and affordable way and target different components of the microenvironment in such a way as to kill the cancer without harming the host, such as me or you.
But it can unleash numerous opportunities for testing biological hypotheses.
But starting with a theoretical formulation of a problem can unleash numerous opportunities for testing hypotheses and simulating scenarios and therapeutic interventions, all in a completely safe way.
These "unchallenged" experts are unchallenged because a response to their inane hypotheses is generally beneath real science.
These hypotheses (which are not mutually exclusive) are especially helpful in understanding both why rates were drifting lower prior to the crisis and why the downturn has persisted.
According to Ridley, “most technological breakthroughs come from technologists tinkering, not from researchers chasing hypotheses.”
In August 1998, with the ruble's devaluation, we tested the alternative, Keynsian hypotheses: production soared, and relatively quickly, showing that policies emphasizing excessive austerity had caused unnecessary idleness of human and physical resources, and unnecessary suffering.
As both human and monkey mirror neurons code hand manipulation and facial gestures, some interesting hypotheses have emerged.
The first of these two hypotheses remains far-fetched.
Deciphering these projections’ various components – from the new information to the forecasters’ hypotheses – would be a huge task.
Both the savings shortage and savings glut hypotheses confuse accounting outcomes with causes.
This story is fundamentally different from the savings shortage and savings glut hypotheses, and it leads to dramatically different policies.
But no solution is possible until we abandon the savings shortage and savings glut hypotheses and connect today’s global financial imbalances with global production patterns and inadequate demand in developing countries.
Nonetheless, they have led to important developments, because the negative results have ruled out some plausible hypotheses.
The only way to test these hypotheses is via direct US-Iran dialogue.
If even one non-mainstream idea bears fruit, it could transform our view of reality and justify all of those heterodox hypotheses that do not.
So, in assessing the possibility of weak long-term growth, it is worth looking at where exactly the Gordon and Summers hypotheses are linked, and what would invalidate them.
Without knowing all possible alternatives, we cannot form a limited, testable set of clear hypotheses.
Doctors often spot trends and develop hypotheses that involve guesswork, and that are validated by trials only later.
Academics conducting empirical research have a big advantage over those carrying out qualitative work, because they can use efficient software and powerful computers to test their hypotheses quickly and account for different variables in data sets.
His research shows not only that individuals sometimes act differently than standard economic theories predict, but that they do so regularly, systematically, and in ways that can be understood and interpreted through alternative hypotheses, competing with those utilized by orthodox economists.
Let me be clear: the rational expectations models made an important contribution to economics; the rigor which its supporters imposed on economic thinking helped expose the weaknesses many underlying hypotheses.
Presumably, future experimental research will help resolve the question of the relative importance of these two hypotheses.
Equally important, researchers must do a better job explaining what scientific “certainty” means, helping the public and policymakers to distinguish between proven hypotheses and unverified theories.
Back