Example collocations logo

Humanitarian in sentence

1040 examples of Humanitarian in a sentence

Those criteria are that the atrocities occurring or feared are sufficiently serious to justify, prima facie, a military response; that the response has a primarily humanitarian motive; that no lesser response is likely to be effective in halting or averting the harm; that the proposed response is proportional to the threat; and that the intervention will actually be effective, doing more good than harm.
If they act at all, they mobilize peacekeepers, international sanctions, and humanitarian aid.
Not only are millions of lives in jeopardy; the global framework of human rights and humanitarian law is on trial as well.
With the full support of the United States and the hard-won assent of Russia, the Council unanimously demanded that all parties to the conflict allow unhindered humanitarian access; that they lift sieges; and that they cease all attacks on civilians.
Implementation of Resolution 2139 and the provisions on international humanitarian law that it underscores is a matter of life and death.
And deliberate obstruction, together with ongoing fighting, currently is preventing another 3.5 million Syrians from reaching desperately needed humanitarian aid.
America played the lead in creating the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, and international humanitarian and human rights law.
Furthermore, Asian states could be far more assertive in addressing humanitarian issues in their own backyard – especially for places like Burma and North Korea – and in taking a lead in international climate change negotiations.
The struggle to mold our future, to stave off the humanitarian disasters of war, disease, and starvation leaves little room to be philosophical about our place on this crumb of cosmic dust.
South Korean President Park Geun-hye’s recent proposal to provide humanitarian assistance despite the recent spike in tension, is a start in the right direction.
Mitigating the adverse humanitarian consequences (associated with cross-border migration), and geopolitical impact of this storm would be no easy feat.
Kouchner, the co-founder of the relief group Doctors Without Borders, who later split with the organization to found a second humanitarian organization, Doctors of the World, and who ran Kosovo as a United Nations protectorate after NATO’s war with Serbia in 1999, is now 67.
His vision of humanitarian action was one in which relief was not only an end in itself – the traditional Red Cross view that humanitarians palliate the worst effects of war and natural disaster – but also a means for righting wrongs.
Where the Red Cross view, adopted by Kouchner’s former colleagues at Doctors Without Borders, insists that humanitarian action is a vital but limited activity that can be coherent and effective only if it understands its limitations, the Kouchner view is that humanitarian action can be a lever for changing the world.
In practical terms, whereas the Red Cross and Doctors Without Borders believe in neutrality and remain skeptical of the motives of outside states that might intervene, Kouchner’s view is that humanitarian action should be understood as part of what the Canadian writer-politician Michael Ignatieff calls a “revolution of concern.”
Indeed, Kouchner’s appointment is likely to demonstrate just how vain a hope humanitarian intervention always was.
Perhaps now, humanitarian relief groups can get back to doing their vital but not world-transforming work.
Since its invasion of Crimea a year ago, Russia has continuously and gravely violated the United Nations Charter, numerous international treaties, and international humanitarian norms.
A breakthrough of sorts may have come this past weekend when, after vetoing three previous resolutions, Russia finally agreed with Western and Arab-backed calls for Syria’s government and opposition forces to provide immediate access to humanitarian aid.
Up to this point, global humanitarian aid targeting education has accounted for less than 2% of funds pledged.
Though this shift is yet to be fully funded, it reflects the long overdue recognition by governments and aid agencies that humanitarian crises are not over in weeks or months, and that refugees need more than food and shelter.
It is the direct result of a structurally flawed system that strands the needs of schoolchildren between humanitarian aid budgets (98% of which go to food, shelter, and health care) and development aid (which is necessarily long term).
Now that education for Syria’s child refugees has been recognized as a responsibility of the humanitarian aid system, we have to find the means to finance it.
That may be enough to influence some governments, but the Burmese junta recently expelled the UN’s representative after he warned of “a deteriorating humanitarian situation.”
Brazil has issued thousands of humanitarian visas to Syrians.
The UN refugee agency’s funding for Syria, which supports humanitarian agencies and development aid for neighboring countries, has received about one-third of the $4.5 billion needed this year.
Providing humanitarian visas – which can be issued with minimal delay – constitutes one clear commitment countries could make immediately.
Then, as now, the international community’s main response for an extended period was to provide humanitarian assistance to the conflict’s growing number of victims.
The costs compare favorably with military and humanitarian intervention; in human and political terms there is no comparison.
Potentially, there are three bodies of law that could govern the treatment of these prisoners:domestic American law in accordance with the rights guaranteed by the US Constitution;international human rights law to which the US is a party through its membership in the UN and its ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;international humanitarian law--also known as the laws of war--to which the US is also a party through its ratification of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and through its acceptance that certain provisions of the First Additional Protocol of 1977 have the status of customary international law that is binding on America as on all other governments.
BackNext