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Humanitarian in sentence

1040 examples of Humanitarian in a sentence

The humanitarian challenge has been less burdensome than anticipated, thanks to advance planning by the US and the world community and to the rapid, focused, and discriminate way in which coalition forces fought the war.
Some pockets of humanitarian need remain, but the massive crisis that was anticipated thankfully never materialized.
The US government has provided some $600 million through UN agencies and non-governmental organizations to meet immediate humanitarian demands.
When Wilson Center researcher Haleh Esfandiari was arrested in Iran, Hamilton wrote to Khamenei, pleading for her release on humanitarian grounds.
In 2014, Germany’s humanitarian team to deliver assistance to Ebola-stricken Liberia was stranded in the Canary Islands.
Europe’s need to develop a twenty-first century security strategy is urgent, not only because Donald Trump’s America is unreliable, but also because humanitarian emergencies demand it.
The scale of migration should be a matter of enlightened public debate, one that balances economic, humanitarian, and social considerations.
Even offers of international humanitarian assistance, especially by Poland, were rejected.
To prevent a humanitarian catastrophe, swift action needs to be taken: restoration of the market mechanism; exchange-rate unification (as President Mauricio Macri just implemented in Argentina); an alternative system of social transfers to substitute for rationing; fiscal retrenchment; orderly foreign-debt restructuring; and massive financial support from the international community.
Last August, fighting to the north of the provincial capital Goma flared up again, provoking a major humanitarian crisis that has no end in sight.
It may sound strange, but from the point of view of a humanitarian relief agency, it is not important on whose territory civilians in need are, as long as there is access to them.
So when aid workers are stopped at gunpoint and cannot talk their way through, humanitarian agencies naturally turn to MONUC to guarantee access.
Humanitarian workers are not military strategists, so they cannot judge what kind and what size of deployment of peacekeepers is adequate.
Protecting the humanitarian effort now underway is essential to the sheer physical survival of the Congolese displaced in North Kivu, but the only lasting solution is a ceasefire followed by a peace treaty, possibly along the lines of the “Goma agreement.”
The terrible French peacekeeping experience in Bosnia in the early 1990s, in which France lost 84 soldiers serving in a humanitarian capacity under restrictive ROEs, justifies their fears.
Now consider what an expanded UNIFIL is mandated to do under Resolution 1701: peacekeepers must monitor the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah; support and accompany the Lebanese armed forces as they deploy in southern Lebanon; assist Lebanon’s government in securing the country’s borders and ports to keep illegal weapons from getting into Hezbollah’s hands; and “help ensure humanitarian access to civilian populations and the voluntary and safe return of displaced persons.”
Today, as a universal institution, the UN plays a crucial role in legitimization, crisis diplomacy, peacekeeping, and humanitarian missions, but its very size has proven to be a disadvantage for many other functions.
Many are billing it as Plan A for Planet Earth and want leaders bound to a single international agreement to protect our life-support system and prevent a global humanitarian crisis.
He has long insisted on the creation of a no-fly “buffer” zone on the Syrian side of the border, under the pretext that it would help to address the humanitarian crisis that the civil war has engendered.
The humanitarian situation is already dire for 60% of Yemen’s 30 million inhabitants: an estimated seven million people could be close to famine; and almost 500,000 children are at risk of severe malnutrition.
Even as the UN issues stark warnings about an impending catastrophe in Yemen, the Saudi-led coalition is preparing an offensive to capture the coastline around the port of Hodeida – a move that the International Crisis Group has warned would aggravate Yemen’s humanitarian crisis.
In addition, the UN Security Council should do its part to support a political solution, by adopting a long-overdue resolution demanding that both sides agree to an immediate ceasefire, grant access to humanitarian aid, and return to the negotiating table.
If Yemen’s humanitarian catastrophe leads to a total collapse, millions of desperate people might flee the country, enabling AQAP and other extremist organizations to profit from disorder and despair.
Apart from the obvious humanitarian reasons for investing in peace, especially when carried out within established international development frameworks, such investment is also one of the most cost-effective ways to develop an economy and balance a budget.
Preventing future attacks has a clear humanitarian objective.
While some argue that humanitarian intervention is never justified without approval by the United Nations Security Council, the UN Charter itself provides a dubious foundation for this view.
Humanitarian intervention in Kosovo in 1999 was often described as “illegal but legitimate.”
Indeed, the example of Kosovo suggests the wisdom of not entangling humanitarian action in notions of deterrence or punishment.
Accepting that humanitarian intervention without Security Council authorization is in principle compatible with the UN Charter gets us only so far, however.
For purposes of both legality and legitimacy, it is vital to ensure that an unwise and ineffective intervention does not undermine the overall balance of legal rights and obligations in the UN Charter and related human rights and humanitarian norms.
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