Housing
in sentence
1603 examples of Housing in a sentence
Consumers made huge bets on two bubbles –
housing
and credit.
The
housing
sector has started to recover over the past five quarters, but from such a severely depressed level that its growth has had little impact on the overall economy.
As for the United States, plummeting gas prices – an extraordinary 25% decline in roughly one month – have increased consumer confidence and spending at a time when consumers were supposed to be in full retreat because of the
housing
market decline.
Moreover, former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan says the
housing
market correction is already almost over.
China’s Real-Estate WrongsBEIJING – China’s real-estate sector has been a source of serious concern for several years, with soaring property prices raising fears of overheating in the
housing
market.
The danger now is that the
housing
market will collapse – bringing China’s economic prospects down with it.
In its effort to control rising
housing
prices, China’s government has pursued nine distinct policies, not all of which have served their purpose.
This flawed approach allowed China’s
housing
prices to continue to rise steadily, fueling major
housing
bubbles, especially in first-tier cities.
In the first four months of 2014,
housing
sales dropped by nearly 7% year on year, with construction of new floor area falling by more than 22%.
The excess saving could also decline if
housing
construction picks up.
One is the decline of the traditional working class and the growth of a more affluent middle class, underpinned by changes in occupation and
housing.
Consider
housing.
Public programs are necessary to provide affordable
housing
to the poor and the young and to help foster energy saving.
And, by galvanizing local governments to privatize local SOEs (as well as
housing
and some public services), Zhu’s reform hastened China’s incorporation into the global economy.
Many countries are seeing vigorous growth in prices for housing, commercial real estate, or both.
Housing
construction and exports are the obvious candidates, and both can be boosted somewhat by more aggressive balance-sheet operations by the Fed, together with promises of continued low nominal interest rates and higher inflation in the medium term.
Third, the large government-sponsored mortgage enterprises, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, should be used as macroeconomic-policy tools to restore
housing
construction to its long-term trend level.
In all top destinations, immigrants not only face more economic obstacles than their native-born counterparts; they also have difficulty obtaining quality
housing
and health care, and their children face educational attainment gaps.
After all, a group that is disadvantaged in education, housing, health care, and social and civic life will always be at a disadvantage in the labor market, even if efforts are made to connect that group to jobs.
Though much of that reinvestment has traditionally been channeled toward housing, a growing number of investors and banks – including the Bay Area Equity Fund, Village Capital, and the Roberts Enterprise Development Fund – are investing CRA funds in entrepreneurs.
Finally, Acemoglu examines the role of federal government support for
housing.
To be sure, the US has long provided subsidies to owner-occupied
housing
– mostly through the tax deduction for mortgage interest.
But nothing about this subsidy explains the timing of the boom in
housing
and outlandish mortgage lending.
The FCIC Republicans point the finger firmly at Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and other government-sponsored enterprises that supported
housing
loans by providing guarantees of various kinds.
On the contrary, 30 years of financial deregulation, made possible by capturing the hearts and minds of regulators, and of politicians on both sides of the aisle, gave a narrow private-sector elite – mostly on Wall Street – almost all the upside of the
housing
boom.
There was a
housing
bubble, and loans were made on the basis of inflated prices.
First,
housing
can be made more affordable for poor and middle-income Americans by converting the mortgage deduction into a cashable tax credit.
The traditional drivers of its economy – a vast pool of surplus labor and massive investments in infrastructure, housing, and industrial capacity – are becoming exhausted.
This would hinder interest-sensitive spending, such as on housing, and lead to a surge in the US dollar, which could destroy millions of jobs, hitting Trump’s key constituency – white working-class voters – the hardest.
For example, if Republicans eliminated the mortgage-interest deduction for homeowners, the US
housing
market would crash.
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