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Housing in sentence

1603 examples of Housing in a sentence

But, aside from strong public interest in investing in housing and in hedging housing risks, another critical issue must be resolved if futures markets are to succeed: prices must be revealed, and investors must understand what these prices mean.
Maybe backwardation won’t appear on the first day that housing futures are traded, but there is a good chance it will come within a matter of months.
But if backwardation is strong enough, even investors who think that the US housing market is headed for a fall will still be able to expect a good return from home price futures, because they are already getting a discounted price in the futures market.
This may occur through policies that improve education, provide better housing, improve commuting, regulate working conditions, increase availability of health foods, and provide tax relief for those in the lower and middle classes.
The housing market is another US anomaly: there are hundreds of thousands of homeless people (more than 1.5 million Americans spent at least one night in a shelter in 2009), while hundreds of thousands of houses sit vacant.
What is news is the Obama administration’s reluctant and belated recognition that its efforts to get the housing and mortgage markets working again have largely failed.
Curiously, there is a growing consensus on both the left and the right that the government will have to continue propping up the housing market for the foreseeable future.
It is, however, an understandable position: both US political parties supported policies that encouraged excessive investment in housing and excessive leverage, while free-market ideology dissuaded regulators from intervening to stop reckless lending.
Hence, the Fed’s intervention in the housing market is really an intervention in the government bond market; the purported “switch” from buying mortgages to buying government bonds is of little significance.
Resuscitating the housing market is all the more difficult for two reasons.
In short, government policies to support the housing market not only have failed to fix the problem, but are prolonging the deleveraging process and creating the conditions for Japanese-style malaise.
Here again – in areas like housing, the labor market, credit intermediation, and infrastructure – there is less room for maneuver than most politicians would like us to believe.
With only around €10 billion ($10.8 billion), these countries could have provided better housing, food, and education for refugees, thereby reducing the incentive to flee to Europe.
As it stands, such countries receive just a fraction of the $3,000-5,000 per refugee required annually to provide adequate housing, food, health care, schooling, and job training during the first few years of displacement.
Rising stock and housing markets may fuel inequality, but they also drive increased consumer spending.
That means more time to agree on an acceptable replacement or ensure more housing alternatives from which to choose.
When both bubbles burst – first housing, and then credit – asset-dependent US consumers were exposed to the American strain of the Japanese disease first diagnosed by Nomura economist Richard Koo.Koo has stressed the lingering perils of a balance-sheet recession centered on the corporate sector of the Japanese economy; but the analysis is equally applicable to bubble-dependent US consumers.
The idea seems to be that there are a lot of liquid assets lying around, and that they are being used to get money to bid up the prices of stocks, housing, land, art, etc.
After bank bailouts, Bernard Madoff-type financial scandals, and a housing bubble that left Americans high and dry, it is as if the collective unconscious is recasting life on yachts and perfectly manicured golf courses as distasteful, and thrifty, often rural simplicity as a virtuously cleansing relief.
An even wider range of countries have laws against discrimination on the basis of a person’s sexual orientation, in areas like housing and employment.
To take just one example, eliminating the monopoly that notaries public hold in countries like France and Italy would substantially decrease the costs of buying and selling homes, decrease the cost of housing, and make it less costly for workers to move to where the jobs are.
Moreover, given continuing malaise in credit and housing markets, private consumption will remain subdued; indeed, two percentage points of the 2.8% expansion in the last quarter of 2011 reflected rising inventories rather than final sales.
While the specifics vary by economic region and sector (housing, labor markets, credit intermediation, etc.), it is a combination with a common and unfortunate outcome: it inhibits economies’ ability to grow, and thus to overcome debt overhangs in an orderly way.
One of the goals of large-scale bond purchases – so-called quantitative easing – was to drive down long-term interest rates in order to stimulate business investment and housing construction.
Everybody counts on Alan Greenspan’s Federal Reserve Board to save the day, and there is little doubt that an interest rate cut would help maintain strength in consumer demand and housing construction.
On these occasions, people usually come to discuss housing problems, social-security benefits, or schooling; or they just want to grouse about some national controversy.
The 2008 recession was triggered by a financial crisis that erupted after the collapse of a credit-fueled asset bubble decimated the housing market.
Residential investment is still at an historic low as a share of GDP as a result of overbuilding during the 2003-2008 housing boom and the tsunami of foreclosures that followed.
But the headwinds in the housing market are dissipating.
With per capita income of more than $6,000, Chinese are becoming more demanding, insisting on safe food products, clean air, transparent government, affordable housing, quality education, social security, and equal opportunities.
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