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Households in sentence

1591 examples of Households in a sentence

And the familiar cliché is all too often true: older middle-class women fail to become financially literate in their own households, leaving brokerage accounts, pension accounts, taxes, life insurance, and so on to their husbands.
While US consumers have so far saved a large proportion of the windfall they have received through cheaper gasoline prices, the gains for households are starting to translate into higher levels of spending.
When most households own no productive assets, they cannot share any of the asset appreciation or property income.
Cheap Asian televisions gave Western households the wherewithal to purchase PC's powered by Intel microprocessors and Microsoft software, which are designed by engineering graduates who would otherwise have worked for TV manufacturers.
The near-term cost of financing deficits is low because households are worried that the possible “seven lean years” will be very lean, indeed.
Although inflation is now low in the United States, Europe, and Japan, households and institutional investors have reason to worry that the low interest rates and the extensive creation of bank reserves could lead to inflation when economic recovery takes hold.
Moreover, the way the war was funded left households with strong balance sheets and pent-up demand once peace returned.
But this time, mismanagement of the financial sector had loaded huge debts onto households.
If its government stopped seeing “zero new debt” as the Holy Grail, and instead invested in modernizing the country’s transport, municipal infrastructure, and digitization of households and industry, the euro – and Europe – would receive a mighty boost.
More important, the focus on investment would improve prospects for long-term sustainable growth, which would enable governments and households to pursue responsible deleveraging.
More broadly, access to mobile money supported a 20% increase in the savings of women-headed households in Kenya.
He tapped the fears and frustrations of this particular group of working-class households, ensuring that they directed their rage not just at the wealthy (like Trump himself), but at the “establishment” – the mainstream politicians who were supposedly in cahoots with Wall Street.
As income is redistributed from labor to capital, it flows from those who have a higher marginal propensity to spend (low- and middle-income households) to those who have a higher marginal propensity to save (high-income households and corporations).
But orderly debt-reduction mechanisms are not available for sovereign countries and are politically difficult to implement within countries for households, firms, and financial institutions.
In fact, wealth accumulation remains the primary objective of Chinese households.
Another reason Chinese households are unlikely to increase their spending is that their income’s share of GDP has been falling – from about 70% in 1990 to about 60% 2010.
Second, financial repression has capped Chinese households’ savings at about a zero real rate of return.
In this sense, the main imbalance that China must address is not between consumption and investment, but between households on one hand and the government and corporations on the other.
This approach has not only been ineffective in China; it may prove to be counter-productive, with households, eager to preserve their purchasing power, saving more and hunting for higher rates of return.
Clearly, Chinese households have plenty of room for more borrowing.
Those high interest rates strangle businesses and households, causing further economic collapse and making debt ever more unsustainable.
A second view is that households are scared and saving too much – they need to be pushed into consuming by lowering the returns to savings.
It is hard to imagine, though, that with the US household savings rate at about 5%, and with households severely indebted, they are saving too much.
After all, the housing bubble was caused, in part, by pushing credit on households so that they would spend the US out of the recession that followed the dot-com bust.
Otherwise, what goes up will come down, leaving households even more frightened of financial markets.
Interestingly, if traditional spenders such as firms and young households are unwilling or unable to take advantage of low interest rates, low rates could even hurt overall spending, because savers like retirees receive lower financial incomes and curtail spending.
Economists have sensibly advocated that China raise the interest rates that it pays on bank deposits so that Chinese households earn more and consume more.
The only positive signs in consumption are seen among the youngest households, those headed by people in their early twenties, who evidently hope that sooner or later the reforms will be approved and their tax burden reduced.
But the saving rate even in households in their thirties has risen along with concern about reforms.
On the contrary, there is some evidence that beneficiary households increased their participation in microenterprise activities and made larger investments in agricultural production activities.
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