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Historians in sentence

316 examples of Historians in a sentence

Economic historians have shown how this can be done.
Most historians would agree that Roosevelt’s success as a leader rested more on his emotional than his analytical IQ.
Into that void stepped right-wing politicians and historians portraying Russians as the victims of a "false culture," with foreigners responsible for all problems.
Managing the ISIS CrisisNEW YORK – One day, historians will have their hands full debating the causes of the chaos now overtaking much of the Middle East.
Both regions were religiously governed (historians differ about the role and natures of the religions in this context), but science flourished only in one of them.
Even Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, under increasing EU pressure as accession negotiations are due to begin this October, has agreed to an impartial study by academic historians, although he has reiterated his belief that the genocide never occurred.
Economic historians point to financial revolutions as setting the stage for strong economic development in England (in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, following the Glorious Revolution), in the United States (after Alexander Hamilton in the 1790’s built up major financial structures in a primarily agricultural country), and in Japan (after the Meiji Restoration).
Subsequent research by historians of science leaves little doubt: the Nobel medallion is etched with human frailties.
Legally protected history ensures that historians will play safe.
Indeed, a recent article on 19 th -century globalization by two well-known economic historians, Jeff Williamson and Peter Lindert, never uses the words imperialism, colonialism, or slavery.
National income did not stagnate, as nationalist historians once maintained, but grew modestly, at an average annual rate of 1.1%.
For journalists and historians, it is “but he was only a one-term president.”
The deniers range from second-rate historians like David Irving to apparently popular politicians like Iran’s recently elected president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
This is a good reason for leaving historical debates to writers, journalists, filmmakers, and historians.
Accountants go over the books, the participants tell their tales to the newspapers (or sometimes before a judge), politicians explain why they are sorting out a mess, and in the end historians put together a story.
When future generations of historians sift through the wreckage left behind by the Trump administration, they will probably pay special attention to the breakdown of longstanding US policy toward China.
In some circumstances, historians even applaud the fact that a president decided to deceive the public for what he considered a larger or later good.
Economic historians have long gathered information from parish registers, population censuses, and corporate financial statements.
Larger data sets are enabling economic historians to address key questions – for example, how aggregate economic conditions affect labor-force participation decisions in different times and places – more effectively than ever before.
Historians tell us that the Luddites were victims of a temporary conjuncture of rising prices and falling wages that threatened them with starvation in a society with minimal welfare provision.
Economic historians like Ken Pomeranz rightly point out that before the Industrial Revolution, differences in median standards of living across the high civilizations of Eurasia were relatively small.
And while historians will still be debating what led to Trump’s victory long after he has left office, it is already apparent that many of his supporters similarly want America to bolt its door, restock its pantry, and rely more on itself than on foreign friends.
Whether a crisis is escalating or de-escalating, the madman strategy’s effectiveness seems to depend on the extent to which a political leader’s “insanity” is ambiguous – so much so that even historians won’t know where to draw the line between sincerity and artifice.
Most historians place leadership in the foreground of human history, with structural variables having conditional, not causal, value.
Historians have noted its influence in Elizabethan England (which produced the spirit animating the Puritan Rebellion and migration to America), and increasingly recognize it as the motive force behind the French and the Russian Revolutions.
Second, regardless of whether modern macroeconomists attribute our current difficulties to causes that are “patently unrealistic” or simply confess ignorance, why do they have such a different view than we economic historians do?
But I do think that modern macroeconomists need to be rounded up, on pain of loss of tenure, and sent to a year-long boot camp with the assembled monetary historians of the world as their drill sergeants.
Another way of thinking about it, then, is as an “industrious revolution,” a term advanced by Jan De Vries of the University of California, Berkeley, Joel Mokyr of Northwestern University and the University of Tel Aviv, and other historians.
But, as a world leader of one of the United Nations’ five permanent Security Council members, he is failing to mind his international responsibilities, and historians will judge him accordingly.
The Final Decline of the WestPARIS – In 2040/2050, will demographers speak of “the white man’s loneliness” in the way historians once referred to “the white man’s burden” to describe the so-called “imperial responsibilities” of some European nations?
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