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Growth in sentence

19851 examples of Growth in a sentence

Likewise, while there are green shoots of insurance-industry growth in regions like Sub-Saharan Africa, global insurers must constantly adapt to regulatory changes in their primary or home markets, and it is unclear if they have the capacity to expand meaningfully into low-income countries.
But the trend towards increasing sophistication and breadth of our financial markets suggests that we can expect to see much further growth in cat bonds.
They also saw an economy that, since reconstruction began after World War II, had significantly outperformed the expected growth of European economies.
The Japanese work ethic would persist, the reasoning went, and Japan’s high savings rate and slow population growth would give it a substantial edge in capital intensity – and thus in labor productivity – on top of whatever economy-wide advantage it might develop in total factor productivity.
Thus, the Japanese economy’s potential annual growth rate slowed by roughly an additional two percentage points at the beginning of the 1990’s, as the post-WWII development model lost its steam.
It was largely a fluke that this growth slowdown coincided with an asset-bubble collapse and a cyclical depression – one that caused Japanese output to shrink by about 10% in a few short years, followed by only a slow recovery to the new, lower potential growth rate.
According to all evidence, the US economy’s fall from its long-run growth path has left America 7% poorer today (and into the indefinite future) than expected back in 2007.
And this assumes that there is only a one-time permanent downward shock, with no additional slowdown in the rate of potential output growth.
Yet there are reasons to fear that there will be such a decline: slower growth means fewer competitive pressures for heightened efficiency; diminished risk tolerance means a lower appetite for innovation and experimentation; and nominal interest rates pinned at the zero lower bound means that society’s savings cannot be used effectively.
If a mostly well-handled bubble collapse in a low-inflation US economy could permanently push down potential economic growth by roughly 10% over a decade, is it out of the question that a poorly handled bubble collapse could, over a generation, leave Japan’s economy 40% poorer than it might have been?
Economic growth, investors believed, was bound to improve.
Probing the Productivity ParadoxWASHINGTON, DC – Over the last decade or so, productivity growth has slowed considerably in most major developed economies, even as impressive advances have been made in areas like computing, mobile telephony, and robotics.
All of these advances ostensibly should have boosted productivity; and yet, in the United States, a world leader in technological innovation, business-sector labor productivity growth in 2004-2014 averaged less than half the rate of the previous decade.
Productivity growth only seems to be dropping, the logic goes, because the statistics we use to measure it fail to capture fully recent gains, especially those from new and higher-quality information and communication technology (ICT).
“Techno-optimists,” for their part, believe that ICT advances do have the potential to drive rapid productivity growth; their benefits are merely subject to lags and come in waves.
Firm-level data show that productivity growth has held up relatively well for firms that are at the technological frontier.
It is the less technologically advanced firms, which are often smaller, that have experienced the major growth slowdowns.
There is also a macroeconomic element to the decline in productivity growth, rooted in deficient aggregate demand.
According to former US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, when the desired level of investment is below the desired level of savings despite a nominal interest rate of zero, chronically deficient demand constrains GDP and productivity growth, producing so-called “secular stagnation.”
Any strategy to address the problems underpinning low productivity growth – from inadequate technological diffusion to income inequality – must address skill constraints and mismatches affecting the labor market’s ability to adjust.
At the recent G20 summit in Hangzhou, China, world leaders emphasized the need to boost investment and accelerate structural reforms to enhance productivity and lift potential growth.
To do so, they have relied on near-zero interest rates and unconventional measures like quantitative easing to stimulate growth and job creation.
This is a dangerous combination that erodes social cohesion, political effectiveness, current GDP growth, and future economic potential.
After experiencing three decades of unprecedentedly rapid GDP growth, the country weathered the global economic crisis exceptionally well.
And, while recovery in the advanced economies boosted exports, persistent overcapacity, combined with slower household-consumption growth than in 2012, caused investment growth, though still rapid, to decline to its lowest rate in the past 11 years.
But China’s leaders must recognize that the country faces massive welfare losses, and thus should be willing to accept slower growth in the short term in exchange for a more stable long-term growth path.
In fact, with a well-designed policy package, the duration and impact of the growth slowdown could be minimized.
A critical first step is for the People’s Bank of China to stop intervening in the foreign-exchange market, which would halt the growth of the country’s foreign-exchange reserves.
Although this transition would have a negative impact on China’s economic growth, it would not be nearly as dire as many seem to believe.
Likewise, although renminbi appreciation would diminish export growth, the slowdown would probably not be dramatic, given that China’s export sector is dominated by the processing trade (specifically, the assembly of intermediate inputs imported from countries like Japan and South Korea).
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