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Growth in sentence

19851 examples of Growth in a sentence

When export growth softened in mid-2012, they halted the appreciation of the renminbi and rolled out additional costly capital projects like the high-speed rail line – the world’s longest – that was recently completed.
The problem is that growth based on low wages, supported by an artificially competitive exchange rate, cannot continue for much longer.
The common element is that while the pieces are in place for faster growth in the three largest economies – the US, the eurozone, and China – politics may prevent it from materializing.
Japan is the one place where the political system has delivered change that bodes well for faster growth.
But Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, in his second time around leading the government, promises to force the Bank of Japan finally to end deflation, and that the public sector generally will do more to support economic growth.
Yet, six decades later, the India that emerged from the wreckage of the British Raj is the world’s largest democracy, poised after years of rapid economic growth to take its place as one of the giants of the twenty-first century.
A principal challenge is managing the consequences of the explosive growth of urban populations.
Massive migration to urban areas, high unemployment, low incomes, poor housing and sanitation, inadequate infrastructure, and social deprivation are shared symptoms of economic hubs where population growth has not been reconciled with cohesive approaches to public-health policy.
The speed of urban growth and the resulting concentration of poverty have overwhelmed the capacity of some national and municipal governments to provide services – sustainable and affordable housing, clean water and sanitation, and education – essential to urban public health.
And without structural reform, there is little chance that the Greek economy will see sustained stability and growth – not least because official lenders are unwilling to continue extending an unreformed Greece significantly more money than it is asked to pay.
Japan is suffering near-zero growth and minimal inflation.
Eurozone inflation has again turned negative, and British inflation is zero and economic growth is slowing.
In Shanghai, the G-20 foreign ministers committed to use all available tools – structural, monetary, and fiscal – to boost growth rates and prevent deflation.
But while some of these might increase potential growth over the long term, almost none can make any difference in growth or inflation rates over the next 1-3 years.
These impasses have fueled growing fear that we are “out of ammunition” to fight inadequate growth and potential deflation.
Today, China and a few large developing countries have become the world’s growth leaders.
Given persistent poverty in developing countries, bilateral donors and the global development community increasingly focused on education and health programs, both for humanitarian reasons and to generate growth.
But, judging from experience in North Africa, where education improved greatly under the old regimes, but failed to boost growth performance and create job opportunities for educated youth, the validity of such an approach as a fundamental model for development policy is dubious.
The East Asian and other economies that achieved dynamic growth and became industrialized did not follow import-substitution strategies; instead, they pursued export-oriented growth.
In a similar spirit, development economics should be built on inquiries into the nature and causes of modern economic growth – that is, on structural change in the process of economic development.
Based on the experiences of successful countries, every developing country has the potential to sustain 8% annual growth (or higher) for several decades, and to become a middle- or even a high-income country in one or two generations.
If the Fed were to accept the responsibilities of its de facto role as the world’s central banker, it would have to admit that its policy rates are not conducive to stable world growth.
And it can happen to any country, although advanced countries can usually tighten fiscal policy with sufficient speed and credibility that the pain comes mainly in slower growth.
But the government urgently needs to implement credible fiscal adjustment, concentrating not only higher taxation, but also on rolling back some of the incredible growth in government spending – from 45% of GDP to 52% of GDP – that occurred between 2007 and 2009.
The government must avoid relying too much on proposals for tax increases, which ultimately feed back on growth and sustainability.
In the last few months, enthusiasm about these countries’ post-2008 economic resilience and growth potential has given way to bleak forecasts, with economists like Ricardo Hausmann declaring that “the emerging-market party” is coming to an end.
Many now believe that the recent broad-based growth slowdown in emerging economies is not cyclical, but a reflection of underlying structural flaws.
That interpretation contradicts those (including me) who, not long ago, were anticipating a switchover in the engines of the global economy, with autonomous sources of growth in emerging and developing economies compensating for the drag of struggling advanced economies.
To be sure, the baseline scenario for the post-crisis “new normal” has always entailed slower global economic growth than during the pre-2008 boom.
The crisis thus led to the demise of China’s export-led growth model, which had helped to buoy commodity prices and, in turn, bolster GDP growth in commodity-exporting developing countries.
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