Example collocations logo

Goods in sentence

3286 examples of Goods in a sentence

But excess is out of style, and there are reports of cutbacks in luxury goods everywhere.
Richemont, the Swiss luxury goods company that owns the Cartier and Montblanc brands, has said that it is facing “the toughest market conditions since its formation 20 years ago.”
The top priorities include modernizing the country’s transport and energy infrastructure, reforming an underperforming education system, improving the labor market, bringing order to an overly-fragmented fiscal structure, enhancing the provision of public goods, and safeguarding America’s interests abroad.
When a country's newly discovered natural resource abundance leads to windfall wealth, investment in the rest of its economy shifts away from the tradeables sector (mainly manufactured exports) and into the nontradeables sector (mainly consumer goods and services).
The overall pattern is familiar: China imports North Korean raw materials, such as coal, and exports machinery, consumer goods, and refined petroleum products.
Inequality has increased, poverty has been reduced only slightly at best, employment remains stubbornly low, corruption, violence, crime, and political gridlock continue unabated, and foreign investment and free-trade agreements with the US have yet to deliver the goods.
Commercial agriculture uses petroleum, oil, and gas to operate machinery, transport goods, and produce agro-chemicals needed for fertilizers and pesticides.
After all, it was the US that first entered the terra incognita of the post-industrial era, in which manufactured goods were increasingly produced elsewhere, while employment and growth shifted to financial and other professional services.
But while Britons support the free movement of goods and services, they are not particularly keen on the free movement of labor.
Ordinarily, a large surplus puts upward pressure on the country’s currency – making its exports less competitive and boosting demand for imported goods and services.
My Harvard colleague Kenneth Froot and I once studied the relative price movements of a number of goods over a 700-year period.
To our surprise, we found that the relative prices of grains, metals, and many other basic goods tended to revert to a central mean tendency over sufficiently long periods.
We conjectured that even though random discoveries, weather events, and technologies might dramatically shift relative values for certain periods, the resulting price differentials would create incentives for innovators to concentrate more attention on goods whose prices had risen dramatically.
Of course, people are not goods, but the same principles apply.
Regardless of how one categorizes Trump’s domestic agenda, it is clearly a response to a world in which a principle of openness – to foreign goods, capital, and people – coexists with a complex system for regulating these flows.
Foreign goods are subject to national safety and product-information standards; capital flows are managed by controls on bank lending; and migration is limited by an array of checks and conditions.
For some, the moral framework offered by human rights is sufficient in itself; but for others, as William Galston of the Brookings Institution notes, “the language of human rights hardly exhausts the realm of moral and spiritual goods.”
In practice, this means cutting red tape so that all businesses can sell their goods and services across a common market of 500 million people.
Protectionists in the United States and Europe, itching to slap huge punitive tariffs on Chinese goods, have been caught flat-footed.
But experiences with direct cash transfers in a range of countries, including Ecuador, India, Mexico, and Uganda, have not provided much evidence of such misuse; in general, the cash is spent on worthwhile goods and services.
Tariffs on industrial goods in the advanced countries are already low enough that developing countries are unlikely to receive many benefits--and they have much to lose from another unfair trade agreement.
In the Depression, according to Kindleberger, the US should have provided an open market to foreign goods.
The surprising strength of the German economy, with more vigorous growth than at any time in the past 15 years, is due to the dynamism of emerging-market – particularly Chinese – demand, not only for investment goods, engineering products, and machine tools, but also for luxury consumer products.
Unless the North Korea standoff escalates critically, he will likely initiate anti-dumping actions against Chinese industries – notably in steel – deemed to be selling their goods below cost; and he will probably launch a broad assault on intellectual-property violations in China.
If we are to have the resources for public goods other than health care – say, education, national parks, and highways, not to mention medical care for children and the poor – we must put the brakes on technology.
The EU’s leaders are convinced that achieving the so-called four freedoms – i.e., freedom of movement of goods, services, capital, and people – will optimize the well-being of Europe’s population.
The promise of greater exchange of goods, services, and capital across the Pacific, as well as the creation of international standards (for example, for intellectual-property rights), is simply too appealing to ignore.
Increased flows of goods, money, and knowledge around the world mean that foreign organizations and individuals become more influential, making it increasingly difficult for national governments manage their countries by themselves.
The initiative should also encourage free movement of goods and people within the region, by lifting the customs restrictions and complicated procedures that hinder bilateral and multilateral trade.
True, the West will be able to get its goods more cheaply; but, as Samuelson put it, “being able to purchase groceries 20% cheaper at Wal-Mart does not necessarily make up for the wage losses.”
BackNext