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Goods in sentence

3286 examples of Goods in a sentence

To stabilize market-oriented economies requires a return to the right balance between markets and provision of public goods.
So, if Trump followed through on his campaign promise to impose a 45% import tariff on Chinese goods (most likely in violation of World Trade Organization rules), he would strike a major blow to US multinationals’ profits.
Another major difference today is that many firms are a part of global value chains, whereby goods are assembled in countries like Mexico or China from imported components, the most sophisticated of which often come from the US.
So, slapping a tariff on goods made in China would only push assembly operations to other low-wage countries, not back to the US.
Mutually beneficial international arrangements governing flows of goods, capital, technology, and people (the four key flows in the global economy) are appropriate only when they reinforce – or, at least, don’t undermine – progress on meeting the highest priority.
For starters, the US will be more reluctant to absorb a disproportionate share of the cost of providing global public goods.
While other countries will eventually pick up the slack, there will be a transition period of unknown duration, during which the supply of such goods may decline, potentially undermining stability.
HAMBURG – For US President Donald Trump, the measure of a country’s economic strength is its current-account balance – its exports of goods and services minus its imports.
To be sure, a stronger currency might increase investment in services by raising the relative price of nontraded goods.
Some will object that infrastructure and public services are nontraded goods, so more spending on them won’t boost imports or narrow the current-account balance.
But if the government, in a fully employed economy, redirects resources toward the production of nontraded goods, households and firms will have to find other ways of satisfying their demand for tradables.
The free movement of people, goods, and services across national boundaries enhances efficiency and helps countries attain prosperity.
As a general principle, liberal centrists are strongly in favor of the international movement of people and goods.
Moreover, the increased availability of credit cards gave Americans a greater ability to dissave, buying goods and services now and paying for them later.
The problem, the parrot would say, is that households and businesses are still trying to build up their stocks of safe, high-quality assets, and are switching expenditures from buying currently-produced goods and services to increasing their shares of an inadequate supply of government liabilities.
They will agree with the parrots that falling inflation showed that the macroeconomic problem was insufficient demand for currently produced goods and services, and that the low level of interest rates on safe, high-quality government liabilities showed that the supply of safe assets – whether money provided by the central bank, guarantees provided by banking policy, or government debt provided through deficit spending – was too low.
Early high-growth economies – Japan, South Korea, Taiwan – initially exported labor-intensive products, then graduated to more capital-intensive goods like motor vehicles, and then to human-capital-intensive activities like design and technology development.
This brings their structure closer to that of the advanced countries, introducing greater competition in what was once the advanced countries’ sole territory – the most sophisticated of value-added goods and services.
When “aggregate demand” – the level of real expenditure on final domestic goods that households, businesses, the government, and overseas buyers are willing to make – falls short of output at full employment, output is limited to the demand.
The growing number of aspiring innovators toiling in home garages may self-produce some of their capital goods.
Supplying more of the same old goods never “creates its own demand,” as Keynes thought.
But supplying new goods can.
Lately, the economists who are most influential with left-leaning politicians seem hopeful that growth, employment, and incomes will rise if policymakers embrace massive new deficit-financed spending to create demand for goods and services.
For some, the Dream was Americans’ belief that their economy was a cornucopia of goods sure to bring a standard of living unimaginable in other economies: the dream of unrivaled plenty and comfort.
Indeed, one of the main reasons why certain tasks are given to governments, rather than left to the private sector, is that ordinary market mechanisms do not work in the case of so-called “public goods” because the market cannot determine the optimal level of their supply.
It can close the two countries’ principal border crossing, an important route for food, fuel, and other goods headed for Iraqi Kurds.
These companies spend €16 billion per year on goods, services, and wages in Ireland.
China moved away from central planning and allowed markets to flourish – first in agricultural products and, eventually, in industrial goods.
Those looking around the next corner also worry about the stability of an international economic order in which the difficulties faced by the system’s Western core are gradually eroding global public goods.
True, the OECD reports that Spain’s markets for goods and services are freer than they were before the crisis; but the country has made no more progress than Italy, whose exports have performed poorly.
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