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Globalization in sentence

2352 examples of Globalization in a sentence

But the governing Conservatives are also split on how to respond to globalization.
Some believe in a global free-for-all; others believe that Britain should be free of foreign entanglements; and a third cohort wants, like Labour, to be part of the EU, viewing it not as the problem, but as part of the solution to managing globalization.
A viable program for managing globalization would recognize that every country must balance the autonomy it desires with the cooperation it needs.
As long as globalization appears leaderless, anti-globalization protesters will stifle reform, shout down proposed trade deals like the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and make national economies less open.
The UK must now decide whether it will stand up to the protectionist impulse that drove Brexit and what part it can play in making globalization work for all.
Over the last quarter-century, rapid technology-driven globalization – characterized by the physical and virtual integration of the global economy, including the opening of world markets – has contributed to the fastest increase in incomes and population in history.
But, while globalization has created unprecedented opportunity, it has also unleashed a new form of systemic risk – one that threatens to devastate political institutions and national economies.
Systemic risk is intrinsic to globalization.
Those who miss the globalization train at the start often are unable to catch up later.
Though the systemic risks brought about by globalization cannot be eliminated, they can be mitigated, if world leaders work together and learn from past mistakes.
In fact, the policy focus should have switched at least a decade ago to the adverse distributional consequences that can result from globalization.
But a recent Financial Times/Harris poll in the US, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Spain found people nearly three times more likely to say that globalization is negative than positive.
The other factor is that France, like the rest of the world, suffers from an ill-managed form of globalization.
Against this background, it should not be surprising that globalization and regionalization no longer command the degree of support they once did – or that some rising political movements on both sides of the Atlantic are condemning both concepts to win more support for their own causes.
But, since 1991, India has liberalized its economy and profited from globalization.
Despite being seen as a poster child for the benefits of globalization, India is not unduly dependent on global flows of trade and capital.
Even today, with Mao’s revolution long gone and globalization having knit a new fabric of inter-dependence around China, there remains, particularly among older leaders, a residual wariness about relying on collaboration with outsiders, especially when it comes to “core interests.”
Likewise, preserving today’s good politics also requires that we give urgent attention to four topics: the political and social limits of globalization; the financialization of the real economy; the role of fiscal and monetary policy; and the delinking of rewards from work in an era of accelerating automation.
What has changed is the pressure of globalization, which is pushing the world’s peoples ever closer together as technology advances and shrinks the world.
And, for those for whom religion matters, globalization can sometimes be accompanied by an aggressive secularism or hedonism that makes many uneasy.
So we must make sense of how the world of faith interacts with the compulsive process of globalization.
For, above all, it is in this era of globalization that faith can represent reason and progress.
The paradigm that, until recently, dominated much of economic thinking and policymaking is embodied in the so-called Washington Consensus – a set of ten broadly applicable policy prescriptions for individual countries – and, at the international level, in the pursuit of economic and financial globalization.
Suddenly, the advantages of globalization paled in comparison to the risks.
It didn’t help that the crisis originated in the United States, which had hitherto been the main advocate for the Washington Consensus and unbridled globalization, including through its role in multilateral organizations like the G7, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization.
Given all this, it should come as no surprise that enthusiasm for economic and financial globalization has faltered.
But has the IMF’s reconsideration of financial globalization gone far enough?
They have proven to be the best judges of their economic needs and priorities; as they consider the IMF’s new stance on financial globalization, they should continue to heed their own counsel.
Subdued wage growth in the face of a tightening labor market is unlikely to continue, and any big rise in wages will put strong upward pressure on prices (though this might not happen anytime soon, given the relentless downward pressure on wages coming from automation and globalization).
One audience member in Helsinki told me despondently that he had soured on globalization after some of his friends lost their jobs through no fault of their own, but merely because Ericsson decided to move some European plants’ operations to China.
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