Germans
in sentence
127 examples of Germans in a sentence
In northern Norway British and French troops fighting against
Germans
in Narvik.
Unlike the typical example from the short-lived but oddly prolific Nazisploitation subgenre, THE RED NIGHTS OF THE GESTAPO does not deal with the dehumanizing activities in Nazi concentration camps but rather with all the salacious perversions that a group of renegade anti-Nazi
Germans
get down to when they are holed up in a castle one night under the supposed pretext of plotting Hitler's downfall.
The fact is that he held that ground alone for well over an hour before the
germans
finally gave up.
And maybe there will be a realization on the Continent that European unification must move forward more quickly, because the world – and Europe’s neighborhood in particular – has turned out to be not as peaceful as many, above all the Germans, perceived it to be.
Ironically, by far the main reason why euro adoption was originally so popular in Southern Europe was that back in the 1980s and 1990s, ordinary people longed for the price stability
Germans
enjoyed with their Deutsche Mark.
Similarly, common unemployment insurance is regarded as a scheme to make
Germans
pay for unemployed Spanish or French workers.
We regard firms as legal persons, and we talk about countries as if they were a composite person with clear characteristics:
Germans
love order, Italians are passionate, and Brits possess a stiff upper lip.
Likewise, the three million Sudeten
Germans
felt much greater loyalty to Germany than to Czechoslovakia, and an overwhelming majority embraced their incorporation into the Third Reich.
Her response to the European crisis has prevailed – or at least that is the impression that she conveys, and that most
Germans
believe.
And his suggestion that German cars should be cleansed from US streets – despite the fact that many “German” cars are actually built in the very US states from which he draws his support – may help
Germans
realize that they need other Europeans’ help to protect their auto industry.
Despite the recent deal with Turkey aimed at reducing the flow of Syrian refugees, most
Germans
do not expect their EU partners to change course.
Add to that sense of betrayal the looming possibility of a British exit from the EU, and it is not difficult to see why
Germans
feel that distancing themselves from Europe may well be their best bet.
Of course, for some Germans, the lack of solidarity regarding refugees is simply a compelling excuse for blocking reforms that they never supported in the first place, such as the completion of a European banking union.
The likely outcome is a further cut in public investment, combined with additional social spending and an increase in the minimum wage, which would benefit some Germans, but also make it more difficult for refugees to find jobs.
If Germany behaves in a more dignified manner, it is thanks not just to Merkel’s political leadership, but also to the fact that
Germans
are more secure than most Europeans.
According to Spahn, older
Germans
such as his parents will soon feel like “strangers in their own land.”
How can
Germans
demand that refugees and immigrants integrate themselves into German society, he asks, if
Germans
won’t even speak their own language?
The Soviet Union grabbed Kaliningrad (formerly Konigsberg) from Germany at WWII's end, evicting the resident
Germans
and turning the city into a warm water port for the Red Navy's Baltic fleet.
Merkel will have to explain the inconvenient truth to
Germans
that the price of having the euro is inevitably a transfer and economic union, and French President Nicolas Sarkozy will have to make clear to the French the price of a real economic and stability union.
Germans
have a point when they argue that complaints about “austerity” ought to be directed at Greece’s previous governments.
By this logic, however, West Germany, too, needed a nuclear arsenal; and, given Germany’s twentieth-century history, no one, least of all the Germans, desired such an outcome.
But such permanent fiscal transfers are politically impossible in the eurozone, where
Germans
are
Germans
and Greeks are Greeks.
And, indeed, the legacy of Third Reich hyper-chauvinism and “actually existing socialism” in the eastern part of the country has inculcated in most
Germans
a cautious centrism, rendering extremist parties unsupportable for the majority of voters.
This is particularly apparent with respect to migration: contrary to the view shared by virtually the entire political establishment, a majority of
Germans
wants to close the country’s borders to refugees, with 70% believing that “Islam does not belong to Germany.”
She never tried to persuade
Germans
of their responsibility as an economic hegemon to fix the system fairly, in the interests of all.
Lacking any personal memories of World War II, he – like a growing share of
Germans
at the time – was confident that Germany could rely on itself, without continually reaffirming its ties to Europe.
In short, moderate political forces still enjoy the support of more than 70% of
Germans
– in contrast with, say, Austria, where the far right was able to gain 36% in the first round of presidential elections.
Late last year, thousands of
Germans
gathered at train stations and on the streets to welcome the first groups of refugees as they arrived.
Nor, after Japan’s Fukushima disaster, are
Germans
irresponsible to reject nuclear power – which is unlike all other energy sources and represents a risk of a far mightier magnitude – with renewed vigor.
On the contrary, she has unflinchingly steered the CDU towards the left, because she learned three things from the CDU’s election defeat in 2002 and its narrow victory in 2005:
Germans
don’t want to go to war, don’t think much of economic reform, and are mostly to the left of the CDU/CSU.
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