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Fiscal in sentence

6883 examples of Fiscal in a sentence

Rich Veneto could secede from Italy, for example, as long as it maintained its fiscal transfers to the South.
For all of them, what matters is that the sorry fate of the Reinhart/Rogoff paper undermines the case for fiscal austerity.
A few months ago, Olivier Blanchard, the International Monetary Fund’s chief economist, had already criticized his colleagues and policymakers in advanced countries for systematically underestimating the recessionary impact of fiscal consolidation programs.
Until the Reinhart/Rogoff paper, the main argument for fiscal retrenchment rested on concerns about the sustainability of public debt.
The danger is that the discrediting of hasty austerity could undermine the case for fiscal responsibility in the long run.
In addition to becoming bolder and more expansive, it has become increasingly intertwined with fiscal policy.
This candidate will not try to divide and polarize the country, but rather will unite it around common-sense approaches to fiscal policy, education, health care, and other long-term issues.
The correct answer to the latter question – as the IMF suggests – may be the Ministry of Finance: the only sure way for Russia to reduce inflation and sustain growth is to maintain a sound fiscal policy.
Unemployment was soaring, and austerity, rather than restoring fiscal balance, simply exacerbated the economic downturn.
The weak fiscal position has in turn undermined investors’ confidence, with obvious implications for economic growth.
Assuming that Greece could borrow at a real interest rate of only 3% (the current level is 17%), the government would need to run an annual 2.6%-of-GDP primary budget surplus (the fiscal balance minus debt-service costs) for the next 30 years just to keep the debt burden stable.
True, some of China’s fiscal stimulus effectively consists of loans to the private sector via the highly controlled banking sector.
The conservative fiscal response to the post-2008 recession, combined with the European Central Bank’s dithering before July 2012, led to excessive austerity, which wreaked havoc on the Italian middle class, pushing it toward populism.
The unprecedented explosion of America’s fiscal deficit raises the risk of high inflation in the future – exactly the kind of scenario that Europeans want to prevent at all cost.
They applauded him everywhere on his recent trip to Europe, but sent him home almost empty-handed, resisting the idea of a coordinated fiscal stimulus and, after years of preaching multilateralism, turning down his call for more European troops for Afghanistan.
But, given the large adjustment needs, it is not politically feasible to do everything, including painful fiscal tightening, immediately.
He was not calling for a Keynesian fiscal stimulus based on deficit spending.
The Federal Reserve can begin the process of raising interest rates in December without any need for an offsetting fiscal boost to demand.
Abe is doing what many economists (including me) have been calling for in the US and Europe: a comprehensive program entailing monetary, fiscal, and structural policies.
Critics who argue that fiscal stimulus in Japan failed in the past – leading only to squandered investment in useless infrastructure – make two mistakes.
First, there is the counterfactual case: How would Japan’s economy have performed in the absence of fiscal stimulus?
For example, he has asked firms to increase their workers’ wages, and many firms are planning to provide a larger bonus than usual at the end of the fiscal year in March.
A compromise was found with the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) and its provisions for adhering to the Maastricht criteria, which sought to quantify the fiscal soundness of sovereign states without actually interfering with their budget and tax policies.
There has been a lack of political will to make a clear commitment to a stability-oriented fiscal policy, illustrated by the weakening of the SGP at the instigation of Germany and France in 2005.
The debt crisis in the euro area has highlighted the unwillingness or inability of politicians to maintain a fiscal policy consistent with the stability requirements.
What is required is a stronger emphasis on automatic sanctions for fiscal profligacy and excessive debt than is contained in the EU Commission’s current proposal for reform.
It is all well and good to counter undesirable economic developments at an early stage, as the Commission’s plan promises, but the time to begin is not when fiscal distortions actually threaten.
For a while, booming or overheating real-estate markets and a thriving, but oversized banking sector can disguise a gradual loss of competitiveness and risks to fiscal sustainability, as occurred in the euro area.
Of course, if the rules being broken are fiscal, the markets might impose the necessary discipline, as happened in 2011-2012.
As anyone with experience in development policy knows, fiscal transfers cannot generate convergence growth, unless they are backed by deep societal changes – and that demands active local leadership.
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