Fiscal
in sentence
6883 examples of Fiscal in a sentence
By early adoption I mean the shortest permissible period of time - two years - following a new member subordinating its monetary policy to the
fiscal
and monetary constraints of the exchange rate mechanism (ERM II).
In almost all candidates, further disinflation and long-term economic growth require
fiscal
consolidation, more flexible labor markets, and completion of privatization.
Investors are increasingly wary of a global financial meltdown, most likely emanating from Europe, but with the US
fiscal
cliff, political instability in the Middle East, and a slowdown in China all coming into play.
Yet
fiscal
prudence is one of the most frequently attacked principles of economic orthodoxy.
But Venezuela shows what happens when prudence is frowned upon and
fiscal
information is treated as a state secret.
Moreover, the problematic finances of some sub-national governments, for example in the US and Spain, will place pressure on central governments for
fiscal
aid.
America’s Republican Party has three types of
fiscal
conservatives: supply-side tax-cutters, those who would limit government spending, and budget balancers.
In Europe, meanwhile, many of our problems are exemplified by what is happening in France, where President Nicolas Sarkozy’s attempt to recognize demographic and
fiscal
reality by raising the retirement age from 60 to 62 provoked a wave of strikes and stormy protests from workers and students.
Measured as the ratio of the government’s
fiscal
revenue to GDP, China’s overall tax burden, according to the International Monetary Fund’s Government Finance Statistics Manual, is just over 29%.
Though the exact details remain to be decided, such steps might include more exchange-rate flexibility in China, and perhaps a promise from the US to show greater commitment to
fiscal
restraint.
Helicopter Money Is in the AirLONDON –
Fiscal
policy is edging back into fashion, after years, if not decades, in purdah.
“A possible implication of this finding,” the ECB concluded, “is that policies aimed at stimulating aggregate demand (including
fiscal
and monetary policies) should play an even more important role in the economic policy mix.”
Fiscal
policy has been effectively disabled since 2010, as the slump saddled governments with unprecedented postwar deficits and steeply rising debt-to-GDP ratios.
That leaves
fiscal
policy.
The orthodoxy mistakenly assumes that government spending cannot generate any extra income; but so long as it prevails, debt-financed
fiscal
policy is ruled out as a means to revive economic growth.
As a result, analysts and policymakers have started mooting ideas for unconventional
fiscal
policy to supplement unconventional monetary policy.
Like it or not, unconventional
fiscal
policy could well be the next game in town.
Simply put, populations are losing faith that the global development orthodoxy of good governance (including monetary and
fiscal
discipline) and free markets can benefit them.
With all of the advanced countries confronting serious
fiscal
constraints, and emerging markets weakened by lower commodity prices, paying for global public goods has become all the more unappealing.
In our book White House Burning, James Kwak and I emphasized that
fiscal
sustainability is important not just for economic prosperity but also for national security.
In 1814, the British were able to burn down the White House (and most other official buildings in Washington, DC) because American politicians had almost completely undermined the central government’s
fiscal
capacity.
The Social Democrats returned to power in 1994, but they accepted Bildt’s new
fiscal
policies, and even carried out a revolutionary pension reform in 1998 that properly tied benefits to payments.
Increased oil revenues improve the
fiscal
positions of most producing economies, and some have taken advantage of global investors’ hardier appetite to issue sovereign debt.
The
fiscal
drag from austerity will be smaller this year, as the European Commission becomes more lenient.
Fourth,
fiscal
policy remains contractionary, because Germany continues to reject a growing chorus of advice that it should undertake a short-term stimulus.
Its long-term viability requires the development over time of a full banking union,
fiscal
union, economic union, and eventually political union.
If the eurozone unemployment rate is still too high by the end of 2016, annual inflation remains well below the ECB’s 2% target, and
fiscal
policies and structural reforms exert a short-term drag on economic growth, the only game in town may be continued quantitative easing.
To avoid this outcome, Germany needs to adopt policies –
fiscal
stimulus, higher spending on infrastructure and public investment, and more rapid wage growth – that would boost domestic spending and reduce the country’s external surplus.
The EU treaties could be amended to enshrine the right of regional governments and city councils, like Catalonia’s and Barcelona’s, to
fiscal
autonomy and even to their own
fiscal
money.
As for the new state, it should be obligated to maintain at least the same level of
fiscal
transfers as before.
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