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Fertility in sentence

346 examples of Fertility in a sentence

Rising education costs, housing prices, and wages (which increase the opportunity cost of having children) may mean that, even without strict controls, China’s natural fertility rate will not return to the 1970 level.
China also faces diminishing labor input growth, owing to low fertility rates and rapid population aging.
When childhood death rates come down, fertility rates tend to decline even more, since families are now confident that their children will survive.
The term was originally used to describe a transition in which countries enjoyed both a one-off increase in the working age population and a significant fall in fertility.
Rapidly falling fertility, meanwhile, ensures that the next generation inherits a large capital stock per capita: and small family size makes it easier to afford high private or public education spending per child, leading to rapid improvements in workforce skills.
But without a rapid fall in fertility rates, there is no dividend.
If fertility remains high, a low ratio of retirees to workers is offset by a high child dependency ratio, making it difficult to support high education spending per child.
India’s demography varies by region: while fertility rates are now at or below two in economically dynamic states such as Maharashtra and Gujarat, the big northern states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are still facing severe demographic headwinds.
It has been obvious for decades that high fertility can hold back per capita growth.
Policies to enable voluntary fertility decline, through female education and easy access to contraception should be high priorities;Iran, where the fertility rate fell from 6.5 in the 1980s to below two by 2005, shows what is possible even in supposedly traditional religious societies.
Simultaneously, fertility rates dropped to 1.4 per woman.
America’s Baby BustLONDON – News that the United States’ fertility rate fell in 2017 to 1.75 has provoked surprise and concern.
A buoyant US economy in the 1990s and early 2000s was accompanied by fertility rates of 2.00-2.05
But the assumption that stronger growth and economic confidence must generate higher fertility – with low birth rates reflecting pessimism about the future – is not justified by the evidence.
Moreover, fertility rates at around the current US level do not pose severe problems – and bring some benefits.
In all major developed economies, fertility rates fell during the 1960s and 70s, reaching levels below the replacement rate of around 2.05 children per woman.
And while we cannot be certain, the best expectation is that this shift to fertility rates significantly below the replacement rate will prove permanent, with temporary reversals driven by specific one-off factors.
Some viewed the US return to somewhat higher fertility rates in the 1990s as the consequence of greater economic dynamism and confidence, in contrast to “old Europe.”
But throughout the last 30 years, fertility rates for white and black Americans have remained significantly below replacement level, and the three-decade rise and fall of US birth rates is explained primarily by higher Hispanic fertility, reflecting the common phenomenon that first-generation immigrants’ fertility rates are typically similar to those in their poorer countries of origin.
The same effect explains why Canada – with immigration skewed toward low-fertility Asian countries of origin – has had a significantly lower fertility rate of around 1.6.
But with Latin American fertility rates now in steep decline – Mexico’s is down from 2.9 in 2000 to 2.1 today, and Brazil’s has fallen from 2.5 to 1.7 – the immigrant-induced effect is disappearing, and the US is reverting to a typical fertility rate for a rich developed country.
Absent temporary migration-induced effects, all major developed economies have shifted to fertility rates of 1.2-2.0,
And while there is some evidence that sudden deep recessions produce temporary fertility dips, followed by rebounds, cross-country comparison provides no evidence of any correlation – positive or negative – between medium-term economic success and precise fertility rates within this range.
Canada, with its lower fertility rate, is quite as successful and confident as the US.
Strong German growth over the last 20 years has been combined with a fertility rate of 1.4-1.5, well below the 1.98 rate in less successful France.
South Korea has maintained economic expansion with a fertility rate of just 1.2-1.3.
Latin America’s most prosperous economy, Chile, has a fertility rate of 1.76, well below less successful Argentina’s rate of 2.27.
The recent decline in US fertility is therefore unsurprising; and, provided it does not fall to much lower levels, there is no cause for concern.
Of course, in the long run, a lower fertility rate, combined with rising life expectancy, will produce a higher ratio of those over 65 years old to those conventionally labeled as “working age.”
In rich developed societies with modern attitudes to the role of women, fertility rates somewhat below replacement levels may thus be both inevitable and broadly welcome.
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