Explanation
in sentence
1417 examples of Explanation in a sentence
The
explanation
for this divided world is that countries like Greece, Spain, and the US, which experienced a long boom financed by huge capital imports, now face growing difficulties in finding foreign finance.
Half the
explanation
lies in the weakness and incompetence of John Major.
The other half of the
explanation
is to be found in the Labour opposition and its leader Tony Blair.
One possible
explanation
for this tendency, proposed by Schroeder and Powell, is that female leaders can be viewed as direct threats to the interests of the generals, because women are more likely to favor, say, reduced military spending and less pugnacious policies.
None of this is to say that gender provides a decisive, much less comprehensive,
explanation
for a coup.
Shiller pointed to the common practice of share repurchases as one possible explanation, but then concluded that, “it is impossible to pin down the full cause of the high price of the US stock market.”
We are wont to declare them the work of lunatics and sociopaths, and we feel repulsed by the very idea that they may have an
explanation
beyond the insanity of their perpetrators.
The popular
explanation
for lack of action in Russia and Ukraine is that their governments view IDUs as criminals, rather than people with a disease, and adopt an informal let-them-rot policy.
But the
explanation
that we developed so long ago still fits well enough to encourage the belief that we will not see a crash in the bond market unless central banks tighten monetary policy very sharply (by hiking short-term interest rates) or there is a major spike in inflation.
The usual
explanation
of today’s scarcity and high prices focuses on explosive growth in emerging countries, China and India in particular, whose demand for scarce resources is “insatiable.”
The conventional “fundamental”
explanation
for that cycle relates it to political events.
Leaving interest rates on hold in the face of adverse price shocks thus requires a convincing
explanation
by the ECB of its underlying policy.
While this
explanation
may be politically expedient, the truth lies elsewhere.
One popular
explanation
lies in the fuzzy notion of “secular stagnation”: long-term depressed demand for goods and services is undermining incentives to invest and hire.
The only logical
explanation
for this enduring lack of confidence, as Northwestern University’s Robert Gordon has painstakingly documented and argued, is slow productivity growth.
In accordance with this explanation, investment growth in the US has been in line with its usual historical relationship with output growth.
The accelerator
explanation
of the shortfall in business investment in the US is consistent with evidence that, where projected demand growth has been relatively strong – for example, in cable, telecommunications, digital platforms, social networking, and, until recently, energy – investment growth has also been relatively strong.
In August, at the annual conference of central bankers in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, Princeton’s Christopher Sims provided a lucid
explanation
of the theory.
The first
explanation
is that the banks have not, in fact, bought insurance, and some have taken speculative positions.
The People’s Committee’s position deserves explanation, if not agreement.
The economic
explanation
emphasizes that in a world of widening economic inequality and stagnating middle-class incomes (here the United States is cited as Exhibit A), no one should be surprised if angry middle- and working-class voters turn to politicians who promise to reverse these trends.
The issue is far from settled, but even if the economic
explanation
is right, it does not follow that the current global recovery will make much of a political difference.
The usual
explanation
is that a system fails because the elites lose touch with the masses.
One explanation, which goes back to Aristotle, is the perversion of democracy by plutocracy.
The other part of the
explanation
follows from what the economists Guillermo Calvo and Carmen Reinhart call “fear of floating.”
The public has been given no
explanation
about their mission, its costs, or counterparties in Syria.
This was not, of course, the first time someone had been detained without
explanation
in China, so it was not a good omen.
The simplicity of the Cold War left little need for
explanation.
The first
explanation
is that many voters attach little value to the opinions of those who failed to warn them about the risk of a financial crisis in 2008.
The second
explanation
has to do with the policies advocated by the cognoscenti.
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