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Exchange in sentence

3719 examples of Exchange in a sentence

Though financial markets will calm down when the ruble’s exchange rate settles into its new equilibrium, Russia’s economy will remain weak, forcing the country’s leaders to make tough choices.
In state-dominated systems like China’s, developing an effective PRI – delineating market participants’ rights and responsibilities, ensuring the exchange platform’s transparency, and creating a fair and equitable process of dispute resolution – is particularly challenging, because the state acts as a regulator, asset owner, enterprise operator, and competitor in the market.
While cross-border capital flows and interest and exchange rates must be liberalized to maintain economic development, such reforms raise the risk of asset bubbles if implemented under distorted benchmark prices.
A candidate may promise more anti-dumping actions against Chinese goods, vow to press harder on China to change its exchange rate regime, or sharpen criticism of China's weak enforcement of intellectual property rights; but over-protectionism may make a candidate look irresponsible in 2004.
In exchange, Abe has offered economic aid, investments in Russia’s neglected Far East, and major energy deals.
On economic policy, he has offered reform in exchange for investment.
By appointing a new Fed Chair (or reappointing Janet Yellen), and possibly other Fed governors, the next president will have an indirect influence on interest rates, exchange rates, and global financial markets.
This is far better than the contraction that occurred from 2011 to 2013, but one would expect a growth surge in an economy benefiting from a favorable exchange rate, record-low interest rates and the plunge in oil prices.
Macron and his economic team are full of promising ideas, and he will have a huge majority in the National Assembly to implement them (though it will help if the Germans give him leeway on budget deficits in exchange for reform).
For southern Europe as a whole, the single currency has proved to be a golden cage, forcing greater fiscal and monetary rectitude but removing the exchange rate as a critical cushion against unexpected shocks.
Indeed, the deal that Hong Kong’s colonial subjects appeared to accept – leaving politics alone in exchange for the opportunity to pursue material prosperity in a safe and orderly environment – is not so different from the deal accepted by China’s educated classes today.
Moreover, exports to the US don’t benefit much from the decline of the euro-dollar exchange rate.
In September of that year, Bundesbank President Helmut Schlesinger made some reckless comments about how devaluations within Europe’s system of supposed stable exchange rates “cannot be ruled out.”
Investing fund surpluses in foreign securities would counteract the tendency for the exchange rate to rise.
Emerging economies’ leaders fear spillover effects in commodity markets and distortions of exchange rates and capital flows that may compromise their own focus on financial stability.
The NPT, after all, is based on a bargain: states that do not possess nuclear weapons promise not to acquire them, in exchange for a pledge by those that do to move seriously toward eliminating their arsenals.
Before the digital revolution, young people met those from other countries and cultures in relatively restricted circumstances, such as on a holiday abroad or a school exchange program.
Deng accurately foresaw a vast exchange of students, modern technology, and trade.
But, while the authorities relied on this approach in 1999, the last time they were faced with a serious bad-loan problem, running the money printing press is not compatible with officials’ other stated goal: a stable exchange rate.
We saw last August how investors can panic when the renminbi exchange rate moves unexpectedly.
In exchange for an exemption from the tariffs, South Korea agreed to reduce its steel exports to the US to 70% of 2015-17 levels, postpone a phase-out of the 25% US tariff on small trucks for 20 years (from 2021), and increase its annual limit on US-made automobile imports from 25,000 to 50,000.
But a sharp decline in the euro’s exchange rate – say, by 15% – would remedy many of the eurozone’s current economic problems.
Nonetheless, the behavior of the dollar’s exchange rate during the period of quantitative easing offers no support for the proposed use of large-scale asset purchases by the ECB as a way to bring about euro depreciation.
Because assistance does not rest on federal resources, but rather on the pooling of national resources, creditor states inevitably demand more power in exchange for providing more support to their neighbors.
Space at the table for China could be obtained if the eurozone countries, signaling their commitment to the common currency, agreed to surrender their individual seats in exchange for one representing the entire monetary union.
Second, most emerging markets have moved to floating exchange rates, which help to cushion growth from external shocks such as unanticipated monetary-policy tightening in the United States.
For starters, while liberation from the “original sin” mitigates the need to tighten policy pro-cyclically during externally driven shocks, it also means that the burden of any requisite adjustments will fall disproportionately on exchange rates, rather than on domestic interest rates.
Finally, the success of emerging markets in floating their exchange rates, combined with the low-growth environment, has indirectly led to a proliferation of nationalist, protectionist policies in the developed economies.
With faster global growth, exchange rates would bear the burden of domestic macro adjustments, and allow for a re-slicing of the (larger) growth pie through currency movements.
But with the growth potential now lower, political sensitivities to exchange rate-driven adjustments are more pronounced.
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