Ethnic
in sentence
1250 examples of Ethnic in a sentence
Dozens of
ethnic
minorities live in China, where Muslim Uighurs, in particular, face official repression.
The vastness of Indian nationality, with its plethora of cultures, ethnicities, and religions, has not immunized it against
ethnic
tensions, but it has made India more a seat for a major world civilization than a mere nation-state.
Various
ethnic
and religious groups, based in different regions, are battling for oil revenue and political clout.
Ethnic
relations in this highly diverse nation are as good as they are anywhere in the world.
The war began when troops under the command of President Salva Kiir began attacking and killing members of the Nuer
ethnic
group, in the South Sudan capital of Juba.
Rather, it was different colonial experiences (Italian rule in Eritrea, British rule in Somaliland) that set them off, at least in their own self-perceptions, from the rest of their
ethnic
compatriots.
Meanwhile, NATO planners desperately sought to identify targets that would either deny him the means of
ethnic
cleansing, or, more often, encourage him to reconsider his position.
Antoon opposed both Saddam Hussein’s brutal dictatorship and the 2003 US-led invasion, which plunged the country into chaos, inflamed
ethnic
tensions, and killed hundreds of thousands of civilians.
The fact that this will come about because of
ethnic "
animosity" is sad and depressing.
In Sri Lanka, the
ethnic
chauvinism of the Buddhist Sinhalese, stirred by a former president determined to reclaim power, mocks the supposed goal of reconciliation with the vanquished Hindu Tamils.
The religious and
ethnic
passions of the Sinhalese were encouraged during the final, bloody push that ended Sri Lanka’s quarter-century of civil war with the Tamil Tigers in 2009.
But instead of seeking reconciliation with the Tamils following their defeat, then-President Mahinda Rajapaksa continued to play on
ethnic
hatred as he subverted Sri Lanka’s democracy.
So far, Wickremesinghe has succeeded in suggesting that the Sinhalese have more to fear from the return of Rajapaksa than they do from the country’s
ethnic
minorities.
Indeed, most countries are far more heterogeneous than Burundi but have never fallen into
ethnic
war.
In the 1920's and 1930's, the Belgian authorities enacted policies that defined the population along
ethnic
lines and favored the Tutsi in a deliberate - and successful - effort to divide society and fan resentment among Hutu leaders.
Second, the bloody 1959 revolution in Rwanda, a country mirroring Burundi's
ethnic
and social structure, induced Burundi's Tutsi to cling even more tightly to power.
At the same time, Burundi's Hutu saw Rwanda as a role model and believed their
ethnic
majority should guarantee them de facto control of the country.
Third, successive governments widened the
ethnic
divide through catastrophically predatory governance.
His diatribes against Muslims and his self-proclaimed defense of “Dutchness” are all calculated to appeal to the basest
ethnic
proclivities of citizens.
Clearly, formalizing policing and adjudication on the basis of clan, sectarian, or
ethnic
identity –as has happened with the revolutionary militias of Libya, the Shia Hashd militias in Iraq, or sectarian party militias in Lebanon – can be highly damaging.
It is impossible to take in at once all of the innumerable symphonic or jazz concerts, or parades celebrating
ethnic
or sexual minorities.
Since then, through successive wars and revolutions, one truth has remained paramount: The Ottoman mosaic provided no clear dividing lines that would permit a smooth reordering of the region into states or entities with homogenous ethnic, national, or religious identities.
For example, the PiS vilifies Ukrainians for the role played by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in the 1943
ethnic
cleansing of Nazi-occupied Volhynia.
Probably no two neighboring countries have such a huge economic gap, let alone countries that share the same
ethnic
and historical background.
The demise of military dictatorships and the spread of democratic regimes throughout Latin America (except for Cuba) means that even severe economic, class, ethnic, and other tensions now more often manifest themselves politically, in struggles for votes and influence.
Moreover, Putin has made
ethnic
nationalism a defining element of his foreign policy, using Crimea’s Russian-speaking majority to justify his adventure there.
Likewise,
ethnic
nationalism drove Hitler’s assault on the European order: the Sudetenland was mostly German, and the Austrian Anschluss was aimed at merging the two vital parts of the German nation.
Similarly, the Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen speaks of our “multiple identities” – ethnic, religious, national, local, professional, and political – many of which cross national boundaries.
And they face an alarming absence of the rule of law, leaving them with no assurances that they will be treated equally, regardless of gender,
ethnic
origin, or religion.
Other loyalties are based on other kindred identities – not just religious or ethnic, but based on shared commercial, political, or other interests.
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