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Enterprises in sentence

1058 examples of Enterprises in a sentence

It should provide special marketing assistance to enterprises that have suddenly lost their Russian markets.
Chinese corporate contracts have grown exponentially over the last 30 years, but they have special characteristics that reflect the primary role of Chinese state-owned enterprises.
After all, the emergence of global megabanks was not a market outcome; these banks are government-sponsored and subsidized enterprises, propped up by taxpayers.
TVET is rarely available to workers in small and medium-size enterprises (SMEs) or the informal sector, and it receives too little public financing.
This will require putting banks and state-owned enterprises on a fully commercial footing, and moving to a more flexible exchange rate.
The key problem is less the form of ownership (state or private) than it is the need to ensure that these enterprises operate according to market principles and within a competitive environment.
The Treaty of Rome, which established the common market back in 1957, did not distinguish between state-owned and private enterprises, though vast sectors of the economy (most of the coal and steel industry, and in many countries banking) were in state hands at the time.
But, in a system with many – often implicit – government guarantees, it is not always the most efficient enterprises that are willing and able to pay more to borrow.
Liberalizing lending rates might merely lead those with government guarantees to outbid smaller and more efficient enterprises, resulting in more misallocation of capital.
Telling evidence to the advantages of speed comes from the different approaches taken to privatizing the thousands of enterprises initially in state hands.
Hungary, Poland, Romania, and most other ex-communist nations have delayed privatizing medium and large enterprises until their government managers "restructured" employment, accounting practices, and the product mix.
Although Poland moved quickly toward macro stability and free prices, still almost half of its large enterprises remain in government hands, unemployment is well over 10 percent, and only a few companies are traded on its stock exchange.
The Czech Republic was determined to move quickly before political opposition could organize, and to use the creative powers of market forces rather than government officials to restructure state enterprises.
In just three years the Czechs used vouchers to privatize over two thousand enterprises, and they have essentially completed this stage of the transformation process.
Many mutual funds and other financial intermediaries formed to buy vouchers, bid for shares, and thereby gain a voice in reorganizing and guiding the privatized enterprises.
It took only two years to privatize some fourteen thousand medium and large enterprises, so that by June 1994 more than 85 percent of Russia’s industrial labor force was working in the private sector.
Likewise, the new federal Social Innovation Fund provides grants to social-sector intermediaries – foundations, non-profits, and social enterprises – that develop new programs to tackle problems like unequal educational opportunity.
Add to that a stop-start commitment to reform of state-owned enterprises and China could inadvertently find itself mired in something comparable to what Minxin Pei has long called a “trapped transition,” in which the economic-reform strategy is stymied by the lack of political will in a one-party state.
For example, when China still had a fully planned economy, Mao Zedong had to delegate the management of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to local authorities for some time in order to boost production, as local governments were in a better position than the industrial ministry in Beijing to manage local suppliers.
At the same time, business owners seek illicit relationships with local officials to gain protection, privileges (such as contracts), loans, a blind eye to safety standards, and regulatory exemptions – activities that generate financial risks and undermine competition by raising entry barriers for more efficient enterprises.
In Seoul, Mayor Park Won-soon is leveling the playing field for small and medium-size enterprises with targeted financial support, fairer transaction and subcontracting rules, and informal-work regularization.
Early this year, the State Council, China’s cabinet, made lowering funding costs for businesses, especially small and medium-size enterprises (SMEs), a top priority.
Indeed, the weighted average interest rate on bank credit to nonfinancial enterprises remains close to 7%, while economic growth has edged down from 7.4% year on year in the last three months to 7.3% in the current quarter.
Increases in the cost of funds’ sources increase the costs of the funds’ uses – that is, credit to enterprises.
He has vowed to overhaul the chaebol corporate-governance structure in order to create a business environment in which small and medium-size enterprises can thrive.
But so are measures aimed at harnessing the state to efforts to encourage entrepreneurship and boost economic dynamism such as public guaranties for housing and start-ups, and fiscal rebate for investment in small enterprises.
Likewise, an economy is an accumulation of transactions involving goods and services, mostly carried out by business enterprises.
On the ground, there are two kinds of enterprises: those that rely on exploration, and those that rely on exploitation.
Economic development proceeds through a cycle that begins with young, exploring enterprises introducing new products, services, and processes.
This, of course, makes these enterprises vulnerable to the creative challenges of the next wave of explorers – the fast new firms that confront the fat old corporations – and the cycle of destruction and reconstruction begins anew.
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