Employment
in sentence
3253 examples of Employment in a sentence
The Roma must also be able to find
employment.
Whatever the potential downsides to Trump’s policies, there is one clear upside: they will boost growth and
employment
in a eurozone where economic dissatisfaction is generating political turmoil – and the gains will be most pronounced in the countries that most need them.
At the same time, the British government must not get so caught up in preserving short-term growth and
employment
amid Brexit that it loses sight of the need to boost long-term growth potential.
In contrast, if history is a guide, a policy mix characterized by financial de-regulation (a Trump favorite) and an independent central bank facing potential full
employment
and overheating would be a harbinger of higher interest rates.
China holds dollars that it receives from its exports to America, while the US, by keeping its market open to Chinese products, helps to generate growth, employment, and stability in China.
Democratic governments make a bargain with their people, gaining their long-run legitimacy from their ability to deliver rising living standards and high
employment.
The partnership’s launch – which should occur at the beginning of 2015 – has been presented as a much-needed “deficit-free stimulus” that would boost US and EU GDP by 0.5% annually, while helping to increase
employment
on both sides of the Atlantic.
The period between departure from paid
employment
and entry into PAYG programs is bridged on a country-specific basis by a plethora of public, private, or mixed early-retirement benefit arrangements, such as unemployment insurance, disability insurance, or some form of severance pay.
The Fed, in Greenspan’s view, had a responsibility not only to fight inflation but also to create a prosperous, entrepreneurial society, and he sought to achieve that dual mandate – with high
employment
as important as stable prices – during the high-tech boom of the late 1990’s.
In the United States, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke has executed the Friedmanite playbook flawlessly in the current downturn, and it has not been enough to preserve or rapidly restore full
employment.
It would have been nice if a relatively equal and prosperous society with full
employment
and equal opportunity had followed from a government that stood back from the economy and provided nothing but a minimal safety net, courts, and a constantly growing money supply.
Uganda’s importers, seeing the shift, have invested in new mills in the country, expanding
employment
and creating competition for farmers’ output, improving prices.
And destination countries should consider providing emergency
employment
for displaced workers, using Australia and New Zealand’s seasonal worker programs as a model.
A failure to absorb large numbers of people into productive
employment
could lead to mass suffering and myriad catastrophes.
This structure contrasts with the pre-1980 business cycle, which rested on wage growth tied to productivity growth and full
employment.
Previously, trade deficits were viewed as a serious problem, being a leakage of demand that undermined
employment
and output.
Whereas pre-1980 monetary policy tacitly aimed at putting a floor under labor markets to preserve
employment
and wages, it now tacitly puts a floor under asset prices.
Prior to 1980, manufacturing
employment
increased during every expansion and always exceeded the previous peak level.
Between 1980 and 2000, manufacturing
employment
continued to grow in expansions, but each time it failed to recover the previous peak.
This time, manufacturing
employment
has actually fallen during the expansion, something unprecedented in American history.
Keynes suggested that only a very low or zero interest rate could ensure continuous full
employment
and distributional equity.
For a complex system such as the world economy, understanding the past – for example, the massive decline in manufacturing
employment
in almost all countries over the past two decades – is already hard enough.
Almost 60 years later, agricultural
employment
in the US peaked at 53% of total
employment.
In fact, since as recently as 1980, most countries have experienced large declines in agricultural
employment.
In some, like Portugal, Malaysia, Turkey, and Indonesia, the share of agricultural
employment
declined by more than 20%.
But if large shifts in the composition of
employment
have been the norm, what makes today’s technology-driven shifts so scary?
The first industrial revolution so reduced the cost of textiles that it led to a boom in demand, production, and
employment.
The Chinese authorities are determined to reverse the resulting decline in growth in order to reemploy those who have lost their jobs and to create
employment
for the millions of young people who join the labor force each year.
This evidence linking
employment
to dynamism and tracing dynamism to favorable institutions, such as a well-developed stock market, and to obstructive institutions, such as myriad licenses for entry by new firms, is an advance in our understanding of healthy economies.
Is there evidence directly associating high performance - that is, high
employment
and high productivity - with the presence of institutions believed helpful to dynamism and the absence of those believed harmful?
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