Employment
in sentence
3253 examples of Employment in a sentence
And it is helping to guide vocational education and training reform, which will benefit not only those who wish to enhance their skills at work, but also those whose lack of training is preventing them from finding
employment.
In assessing how far it is from meeting its mandate, the Fed may be better served by shifting from unemployment to
employment
thresholds (for example, the employment/population ratio).
Unfortunately, with what is happening in Washington, none of this would significantly heighten the durable impact of Fed policy on economic growth and
employment.
It should also gradually reduce the plethora of payroll levies that currently add about 50% on average to labor costs, hindering competitiveness and creating a significant incentive to informal
employment.
On the labor-market side, the most powerful lever to bolster the majority’s wellbeing would be to increase the
employment
of women, whose workforce-participation rate still lags behind that of men by as much as 40% globally.
It is worth recalling that more than one-third of
employment
growth in the US since 1990 has come from jobs that did not exist, or barely existed, 25 years ago.
Private-sector
employment
is still down 4.1 million from its January 2008 peak.
While the manufacturing sector’s share of private
employment
fell from 11.9% in January 2008 to 10.7% in September 2012, this is only a small portion of the enormous secular decline since the early 1970’s, when manufacturing accounted for more than 30% of private-sector
employment.
If Western labor markets were flexible and gave way to the increasing pressure,
employment
could be maintained because the wages for unskilled workers would fall.
Everyone would have to work, at whatever wage he finds employment, and the government would then pay a supplemental income to ensure a socially acceptable standard of living.
In any case, substituting replacement incomes with wage supplements will not only lead to more
employment
and higher GDP, but ensure that fewer people are deprived of the dignity that only a responsible working life can offer.
Though no one can say for sure what Tobin would have thought of Europe’s crisis, his priority was always the pursuit of full
employment.
All of these trends reduce wages and
employment
for low-skill workers in labor-scarce and capital-rich advanced economies, and raise them in labor-abundant emerging economies.
With their more flexible economies and labor markets, the US and the UK have recovered more strongly than continental Europe in terms of GDP and
employment
since the 2008 global financial crisis.
In most of these countries, job creation is anemic, real wages are falling, and dual labor markets mean that formal-sector, unionized workers have good wages and benefits, while younger workers have precarious jobs that pay lower wages, provide no
employment
security, and offer low or no benefits.
The everyday consequence for the middle class is a stagnant paycheck and growing
employment
insecurity, as the old economy of well-paying low-skilled jobs with good benefits withers away.
Excessive household debt is particularly risky, because a shock in the price of assets (especially real estate) translates quickly into reduced consumption, as it weakens growth, employment, and investment.
In order to spur growth and employment, these economies must start paying closer attention to the kind of debt they accumulate.
In the Fed’s case, the presumption that the US will soon approach full
employment
has caused the so-called dual mandate to collapse into one target: getting inflation back to 2%.
The radicals relied on Keynes’s untested theory that unemployment depended on “effective demand” in relation to the “money wage,” but their policy ignored the part about wages and sought to stabilize demand at a high enough level to ensure “full”
employment.
Cecil Pigou and Franco Modigliani objected that if demand were successfully increased, the money wage level would rise, catch up to demand, and thus push
employment
back down to its previous level.
Postwar macroeconomic policies were dedicated to “full” employment, without any evidence that money wages would not get in the way.
But they still insisted that steady increases of demand at a fast enough rate would keep demand one step ahead of the money wage level, so that
employment
could be kept as high as desired, albeit at the cost of steady inflation.
When supply shocks hit the US economy, the neo-Keynesians’ response was to pour on more demand, believing it would revive
employment.
Research I did with Gylfi Zoega a decade ago confirmed that cuts in taxes on labor boost
employment
in the short run.
Do large long-run effects of tax rates show up in international differences in
employment?
Slow GDP growth has meant slow
employment
growth.
But if the economy comes under pressure, those efforts, too, could be delayed for fear of undermining
employment.
Part-time
employment
is spreading and may become the labor market’s new normal.
The question is how long this can last, given southern Europe’s growth and
employment
challenges (and an apparent lack of understanding among policymakers and the public that there are no short-term solutions).
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