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Empire in sentence

579 examples of Empire in a sentence

In Georgia, as in Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin seeks to implement the doctrine of a “liberal empire” put forward in October 2003 by Anatoli Chubais, the chairman of United Energy System (RAO UES), Russia’s energy monopoly.
According to Chubais, Russia will never find a place in either NATO or the European Union, so it must create an alternativeto both, a new empire of its own.
The resulting empire will be liberal, according to Chubais’s definition, because it can be built with money rather than tanks.
Russia’s second step in rebuilding its empire in the Caucasus is to unite itself and Armenia in a single economic zone.
Recently, Chubais’s RAO UES has had the lead role in integrating Georgia into Russia’s “liberal empire.”
Thus, Russia’s effort to entrap Georgia and its neighbors in the nets of its new “liberal empire” is part of a well coordinated attempt to reorient the South Caucasus as a whole towards the anti-Western coalition of Russia and Iran.
Trump’s two eldest sons, who run his business empire, may also be liable for misdeeds.
Putin’s defiant foreign policy is a response – mediated by an authoritarian political tradition, the reactionary tenets of Orthodox Christianity, and pride in Russia’s vast geography and natural wealth – to the humiliating loss of an empire.
Indeed, Russian President Vladimir Putin seems to be trying to reassemble the nineteenth-century map of Czarist Russia by holding on to Crimea, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and other parts of the old empire at all costs.
Russia would be furious, because it fears that Kosovo’s secession – whether or not it is internationally recognized – might fuel separatist movements in the former Soviet empire.
He was an impressive warrior, but probably an illiterate one, and the empire he created fell apart soon after his death.
India’s independence marked the dawn of the era of decolonization, but many nations threw off the yoke of empire only after bloody and violent struggles.
This trend was boosted by the collapse of the Soviet empire, because Western liberal democracies no longer had the same pressing need to counter the Communist model with egalitarian arrangements of their own.
Former US National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski once observed that in Russian eyes, Russia without Ukraine was a normal nation-state, but Russia with Ukraine was an empire.
Just as Putin’s gross mismanagement of the economy has led even the economics minister to predict stagnation for the rest of this decade, his geopolitical nostalgia is poised to saddle Russians with the same dysfunctional empire that impoverished them under the Soviets.
Worse still, it seems that only the same system – in which siloviki (secret policemen) are in charge – appears capable of holding together such a ramshackle economic empire.
A demographically declining empire of crony capitalists, from which the most talented and educated flee – some 300,000 left Russia last year alone – is hardly likely to be a serious strategic challenger to either the United States or China.
As for the Somali people, al-Shabaab treats them like cannon fodder, and uses their country as a platform for jihad and as a base for a small financial empire based on extortion and environmentally rapacious charcoal exports.
After all, British public opinion first began to turn in favor of EU membership after the failed Suez invasion of 1956, which taught the country that, bereft of empire, it could no longer execute an effective foreign policy on its own.
Mr. Tung, the scion of a shipping empire, and his tycoon friends like to blame Britain's colonial government for leaving behind "time bombs" that make Hong Kong look bad.
By forcing the Soviet Union into a military spending race that only the US could win (at the cost of rising debt and a higher risk of conflict), Reagan accelerated the demise of what he called the “evil empire.”
(One of the worst legacies of colonialism is that its ill effects outlasted the empire – in India, occupied Palestine, the Caribbean, and elsewhere.)
Nearly two decades after the demise of the Soviet empire, what stands out is a prevailing sense of lost opportunities.
The Cold War ended quietly, and the dismantlement of the Soviet empire followed.
But, given the profound uncertainty of a world in flux, as well as the dangers of miscalculation as the Soviet empire collapsed, prudent management trumped grand visions.
The break-up of the Soviet Union and its satellite empire shows that the way to address such a legacy is not to force unhappy peoples to live together in one country.
From the publication of The Communist Manifesto in 1848 until the fall of the Soviet empire, significant parts of the continent’s electorates were inspired and mobilized by a vision of socialism.
In Dugin’s ideal future, a medieval social order would return, the empire would be restored, and the Orthodox church would assume control over culture and education.
With it, Nemeth was able to return to Budapest and proceed with the election, marking a turning point in the tumultuous events that would end with the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the breakup of the Soviet empire.
First, most of Russia’s elite rejected the view that the loss of empire was irreversible.
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