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Empire in sentence

579 examples of Empire in a sentence

For example, Britain was the dominant world power in the mid-nineteenth century, but it let Prussia create a powerful new German empire in the heart of the European continent.
Across the former Soviet empire, genuine euphoria is tempered by ten hard years of change.
The Soviet Union, the Communist Party of the USSR, and the KGB may have collapsed, but the Russian Orthodox Church still defends the sacred borders of the former Russian empire.
Ever since the European powers set sail at the end of the fifteenth century to conquer the world, historiography and international politics have become accustomed to a certain pattern: military, economic, and technological power is translated into the exercise of influence over other countries, conquest, and even global dominance and empire.
In the face of these five factors, the dream of global empire held by many US right-wingers will most likely fade.
But Khrushchev never envisioned the breakup of the Soviet empire as part of his thaw.
Kolakowski, in upholding the sanctity of truth in the empire of the lie, connected the new democratic Poland to the old Poland of intellect and culture.
In his book How Britain Will Leave Europe, former Minister for Europe Denis MacShane describes how former Prime Minister Tony Blair considered holding a referendum on adopting the euro, only to renounce the plan for fear that the “shadowy figure of Rupert Murdoch” would use his media empire to campaign against it.
The list of major owners, in addition to the federal government and the usually mentioned moguls, such as Berezovsky and Gusinsky, includes the oil giant Lukoil, the gas empire Gazprom, the financial group Oneksimbank, the Moscow government, and others.
Something similar happened when Josip Broz Tito’s little Balkan empire of Yugoslavia fell apart.
Scholars speak of “the empire striking back,” referring to former colonized peoples, such as immigrants from Africa and India, settling in Europe and North America and then challenging norms of race and identity.
And two years ago, protesters at the University of Oxford demanded the removal of a sculpture of Cecil Rhodes from Oriel College, where the old imperialist had once been a student, because his views on race and empire are now considered to be obnoxious.
It is highly unlikely that many British people gazing up at Nelson on his column or passing Oriel College, Oxford, will be inspired to advocate slavery or build an empire in Africa.
After the collapse in 1945 of the Japanese empire, which had ruled quite brutally over the whole of Korea since 1910, the Soviet Red Army occupied the north, and the US occupied the south.
The British had stopped believing in their own empire.
It is difficult to sustain an empire without the will to use force when necessary.
Even as the British were dismantling their empire after World War II, the French and Dutch still believed that parting with their Asian possessions would result in chaos.
According to Robert Gates, who became Director of the CIA in 1991, in the midst of the Soviet Union’s death throes, those who monitored compliance with the Helsinki Accords may have done more to bring down the Soviet empire than the CIA itself.
The US may be the only superpower, but preponderance is not empire.
For its part, Russia has ruthlessly strived to recover its lost continental empire, be it through the brutal repression of Chechnya, the 2008 war in Georgia, or the current assault on Ukraine.
The demarcation of the India-Pakistan border by the British was a slapdash affair, concocted by a collapsing empire in headlong retreat from its responsibilities.
Kenya's Mau Mau war delivered independence in 1963; the Algerian revolution liberated that country in 1962; anti-colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau destroyed the Portuguese empire in 1974; the anti-UDI struggle in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) ended white rule; and the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa finally triumphed against the apartheid racial order.
But if these processes can be handled responsibly, if Europe unites, if the EU expands, if NATO expands, if the American-Chinese relationship is more cooperative, if there is greater sharing of political responsibility for the fate of the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, particularly once there is a peace treaty between Israel and its neighbors, if there is triangular discourse, cooperation, security arrangements eventually in the Far East, if Russia realizes that its only destiny is not the recreation of an empire that claims the status of a global power but as part of a more closely integrated Europe, which will create for the Russian people the opportunity to become a truly democratic and modern state, then we'll have the makings of something which provides gradually an alternative to the present, rather unique, phase of American preponderance.
Berlusconi, the head of a diversified media empire (television, radio, press, Internet, movies, advertising, and books), decided to establish a political party at a time when he believed that post-communists could win power otherwise.
Fear of the Russian state’s disintegration, a legacy of empire, is never far from its rulers’ thoughts.
The failed revolutions in Hungary in 1956 and in Czechoslovakia in 1968 foreshadowed the eventual failure of the Soviet empire in 1989.
At a stroke, the empire that had gobbled up Chinese territories for centuries vanished.
Twenty years of the most advanced thinking for mathematical algorithms came from a Soviet empire starved of computing power.
To be sure, it maintained a navy equal in size to the next two fleets combined, and its empire, on which the sun never set, ruled over a quarter of humankind.
Of the 8.6 million British forces in WWI, nearly a third came from the overseas empire.
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