Elites
in sentence
1011 examples of Elites in a sentence
Global
elites
must now learn and act upon the crucial lesson of “Brexit.”
Isn’t disregard of their compatriots in such situations precisely what gives so-called cosmopolitan
elites
their bad name?
They result either from policy elites’ inability to convince domestic constituencies of the benefits of the alternative, or from their unwillingness to make adjustments to ensure that everyone does indeed benefit.
Germany’s behavior today is not driven by nationalism (not even economic nationalism), but by German elites’ loss of a political compass, as well as the Berlin Republic’s new domestic and international circumstances.
The “no” vote stemmed from general discontent with political
elites
associated with “Brussels.”
Old party politics, governed by old
elites
working traditional networks of influence, no longer give many citizens a sense of participating in a democracy.
Then the economy’s stultifying corporatism – clientelism and cronyism in the public sector and vested interests and entrenched
elites
in the private sector – would gain a new lease on life.
In ignoring these differences, the political
elites
in both Germany and Sweden are risking some of their countries’ most valuable social assets, including security, stability, equality, tolerance, and individual freedom.
This system keeps Russia’s
elites
from pushing for change (unlike in the past, when those
elites
did attempt to initiate reforms), as it precludes the possibility of anti-Putin intrigue.
But there is also intense distrust of the UN among segments of the public and with certain
elites.
Moreover, the British political scientist Glyn Morgan has argued that a robust concept of pan-European security also requires a pan-European state, and that it is irresponsible on the part of Europe’s
elites
to maintain a permanent position of strategic dependency on the United States.
The Brussels
elites
are not likely to admit this fact without further ado: their rhetoric still oscillates between doom-and-gloom pessimism and a kind of pro-European PR that is concerned only with how best to “sell” the Union to Europe’s citizens.
Indeed, while many Saudis (not necessarily the elites) view ISIS as a barbaric movement with the potential eventually to harm their own country, they are willing, for the time being, to allow ISIS to continue its violent campaign.
The poor view the coup against Thaksin of 2006, and the later disbanding of his party, as revenge by the traditional
elites
who wanted the old ways back, and who would get what they wanted by force since they could no longer get it through the ballot box.
Yet even that elementary wisdom has never occurred to traditional ruling
elites
too set in their myopic and arrogant ways.
The popular revolt that appears to be underway is taking diverse, overlapping forms: reassertion of local and national identities, demand for greater democratic control and accountability, rejection of centrist political parties, and distrust of
elites
and experts.
And yet one senses among
elites
from emerging countries something akin to existential doubt, which the European crisis has served to reinforce.
On the contrary, European
elites
seem to feel that “ganging up” on the US would be improper.
But the Assad regime’s efforts to consolidate the support of Christian and secular
elites
by blaming foreign radical groups for fueling the opposition cannot obscure the fact that conservative Sunnis are in full revolt.
It is blatantly obvious that for Russia’s elites, weakness and cooperation are mutually exclusive.
In just a few months, May has launched attacks on “international elites” and decided to prioritize immigration controls over single-market access in negotiating the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union.
The old
elites
remain, locked inside their gated communities, fending off the poor, whom they have no incentive to empower, because plentiful cheap labor is so beneficial to those who employ it.
It stems from a pattern of postponed or partial structural reforms, of privatizations that benefit
elites
but hurt consumers.
This, too, has its roots in domestic politics – financial and business elites’ grip on the policymaking process and the narratives they have spun about the limits of redistributive policies.
It will not be easy, given the current mental disconnect between the Madrid and Barcelona
elites.
Others argue that Magufuli’s anti-corruption drive pushed CCM
elites
into the arms of the opposition, and that his political survival depends on removing the threat they now pose.
Two factors have arguably facilitated the recent return of populism: accelerated cultural and social change, and the perceived corruption of established political
elites.
This brings us to the other key factor underpinning support for populism: the declining legitimacy of political
elites.
Moreover, Brazil’s
elites
are less insulated and hostile to globalization than in the past, and they increasingly accept that protectionist postures are counterproductive.
These include the royal family itself; the bureaucracy and technocratic elites; the media and intelligentsia; the massive national oil company, Saudi Aramco; and the religious establishment and its various institutions.
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