Example collocations logo

Electoral in sentence

1238 examples of Electoral in a sentence

Faced with this reality, Swedish authorities can limit the impact of electoral meddling by focusing more on restoring social and political stability.
We saw that dynamic play out in Algeria in the early 1990’s, with the Islamic Salvation Front’s first-round victory in a parliamentary election (which prompted the cancellation of the second round); with Hamas’s electoral victory in Palestine in 2006; and, most recently, with the Muslim Brotherhood’s democratic rise to power in Egypt.
After having failed to reverse Hamas’s electoral victory by military means, the PLO agreed with its Islamist rivals on a plan for national reconciliation; but this pact remains a dead letter.
Instead, both long-term objectives and sustainable public finances have been sacrificed for the short-term promise of electoral success.
This implies the need to separate national debt management in the euro area from short-term electoral constraints.
Indian governments act today for fear of electoral retribution tomorrow.
Now, three years after thwarting Singh’s efforts, the BJP has taken over India’s government, following its resounding electoral victory in May.
Its two major political forces, the Colorados and the Liberals, operate as rival political machines, mobilizing electoral support by distributing public employment, contracts, and cash.
Second, they have sought to prevent the left from using its new access to public resources to build an electoral base that would appeal to groups that fall outside traditional clientelist networks.
If the left could build an electoral base by directing public resources to these groups, competition would become a permanent feature of Paraguayan politics, and public-sector modernization and land reform would be on the table, cutting to the heart of elite political power.
Adding insult to injury, an electoral farce recently handed Maduro a deconstituent assembly with the power to dismantle the country’s fragile institutional balance.
So, in most cases, there is reason to hope that electoral change and political upheaval will give rise to moderate governments whose commitment to market-oriented policies will steadily move their economies in the right direction.
One example: Venezuela’s overall population has grown 14% over the past 13 years, but electoral rolls have jumped 53%; the new voters can be ghosts, Colombians, or several generations of chavista supporters already registered to vote, even before they are born.
But Barack Obama’s re-election demonstrated the electoral power of Latino voters, who rejected Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney by a 3-1 majority, as did Asian-Americans.
Nor he is overly worried about the domestic scene, since opponents are deeply divided and thus unable to offer an electoral alternative.
Remarkably, responsible macroeconomic policy has followed a wave of populist/socialist electoral victories in recent years.
While the goals of these cleansing efforts – to prevent the type of electoral interference that Russia has perfected, for example – are laudable, an unintended consequence has been censorship of honest journalists reporting on real stories in some of the world’s most dangerous places.
Will compromise and mutual accommodation – extremely rare in recent years, enable Thailand to reshape its contested political order – currently underpinned by an elite-driven, monarchy-centered hierarchy – to reflect better the principles of electoral democracy?
Rather, they hope to establish a form of electoral rule that can function within a political order based on traditional Thai institutions and customs.
While the anti-coup forces support a return to electoral democracy, the pro-coup coalition, led by the Democrat Party, is increasingly realigning itself against the military, in the hope of securing power in whatever post-coup system emerges.
And, indeed, the National Front’s economic program is rather similar to that of the Left Front (an electoral bloc comprising the French Communist Party and the Left Party).
Although much more could have been accomplished during Contstantinescu’s presidency, hard reforms were enacted but, as in Poland and Hungary half-a-decade ago, growth arrived too late to save its architects from electoral defeat.
They have learned that China can have a greater impact on Taiwanese voters through trade and making people feel richer than by threats – even threats to fire missiles – which had been China’s electoral tactics in previous Taiwanese elections, particularly when a pro-independence candidate looked popular enough to win.
The PD secured a comfortable lower-house majority only thanks to the huge premium provided by the current electoral law to the party, or coalition of parties, that gets the most votes, in this case the PD and the small Left Ecology Freedom (SEL) party.
But Mario Monti, the economist called to lead a technocratic government in the fall of 2011 and stave off a debt default, barely crossed the electoral threshold required to enter Parliament.
The only real nationwide winner, the Five Star Movement (Movimento 5 Stelle, or M5S) led by comedian-turned-politician Beppe Grillo, is a political phenomenon with no precedent in modern European electoral history.
No sane politician will commit to another decade of structural reforms that will test the patience of ordinary Latin Americans beyond the limits of electoral survival.
It was also the case with rising Russian revanchism, which some viewed as a precursor to a disruptive new cold war, and the electoral success of Euroskeptic and populist parties in the European Union, which some declared would lead to the EU’s dissolution.
The URF leaders ran an electoral campaign that seemed to revel in their distance from ordinary Russians.
Seeking a way out of this difficult situation, the Supreme Leader declared that the electoral disputes must be settled in through legal channels, not on the street.
BackNext