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Electoral in sentence

1238 examples of Electoral in a sentence

Clearly, some of the growth in 2004 was due to provisions that encouraged investment in that year—when it mattered for electoral politics—at the expense of 2005.
Without a critical press, Latin America’s undeniable advances toward real democracy – development of an informed, empowered citizenry and governments respectful of the legitimate boundaries of power – will be endangered, even as formal electoral trappings become more routine.
Both the CDU and the SPD face a shrinking electoral base and a falling supply of leadership cadres.
These developments in Germany are in keeping with trends across Europe, where nationalist and populist parties have made electoral gains by rejecting EU-level solutions and calling for closed borders.
The recent electoral defeat of the secessionists in Quebec should serve as a lesson for separatists throughout Europe.
Although this stance cost the Social Democrats many votes, it was hardly enough to offset their main electoral advantage: the unseemly control over key public goods that the party has accumulated during its long incumbency.
Kuttner describes how Democratic Party leaders made an explicit decision to reach out to the financial sector following President Ronald Reagan’s electoral victories in the 1980s.
One of the highest-flying proposals of his electoral platform was a call for renegotiation of the European Union’s new “fiscal pact,” endorsed by all member states with the exception of the United Kingdom and the Czech Republic.
That failure partly reflects the short-termism that tends to dominate in Western democracies, where short electoral cycles (from about six months to four years) often compel politicians to focus on cyclical issues, rather than on structural impediments to long-term productivity gains and income growth.
ISIS’s rise underscores the urgent need for fresh, creative diplomacy in Syria that can break the deadlock both on the battlefield and in the negotiating room – a challenge that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s recent electoral victory has deepened.
The Morsi government seemed incapable of understanding that a slim electoral majority is not enough, especially nowadays.
Like their Algerian counterparts – who in 1992 approved of the Algerian army’s suppression of an Islamist electoral victory, leading to years of brutal fighting that left perhaps a half-million dead – many Egyptians didn’t mind repressing Islamists.
This, too, is reminiscent of Algeria in 1992, when most European governments supported the annulment of the Islamists’ electoral victory.
(Likewise, the EU refused to recognize Hamas’s electoral victory in Gaza in 2006.)
Israel’s Election in a BubbleTEL AVIV – Forty-five years into Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories, and four years after Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s government became the undertaker of the two-state solution, an electoral campaign run in utter denial of Israel’s Palestinian conundrum has just ended with yet another Netanyahu government in office.
To make his point, Lapid even launched his electoral campaign in Ariel, an Israeli city built in the heartland of the Palestinian West bank.
In Europe, however, socialist and communist parties imposed electoral systems based on proportional representation precisely because they open the door to representatives of minorities (the communists and socialists themselves).
Cross-country evidence shows that the size of public redistributive spending increases with the degree of proportionality in the electoral system.
Similarly, while competitive elections are essential to any democratic system, a “winner-take-all” attitude to electoral outcomes, with the victor concentrating power, is incompatible with democracy in the long term.
Management of the economy should be entrusted to competent and independent experts, a group of “Platonic Guardians” empowered to act in the state’s higher interests, regardless of electoral outcomes or public opinion.
Electoral cycles (and the accompanying political pressures) are such that monetary policy, banking, and many other areas of policy and economic activity must be overseen by those with professional competence and a much longer time horizon than that of politicians.
As opposed to his dealings with non-Serbs, this wily authoritarian's preferred methods of domestic political struggle are unscrupulous manipulation of friend and foe, bribery, propaganda, and electoral fraud.
Perhaps it fears that its popularity will further decline, and would prefer to go into elections while it still has the advantages of counting the votes, controlling state television, and establishing electoral districts.
While Singapore’s leaders still contend that meritocratically selected officials should take a long-term view, rather than cater to electoral cycles, they recognize the need for greater equality and wider political participation.
A Pakistani intellectual once confessed to me, “I fear the weak electoral showings of Islamists in Pakistan has more to do with the fact that a compelling, charismatic Islamist leader – a Pakistani Hassan Nasrallah – has yet to emerge, not that his message wouldn't resonate.”
Similarly, in 1997, former French President Jacques Chirac’s decision to call an early parliamentary election resulted in large electoral gains for opposition parties on the left.
Now, almost all of these states’ electoral maps are being challenged as unconstitutional.
The most likely scenario, then, is that Italy’s zombified banks will continue to feed the populist electoral narrative.
That boosted the electoral prospects of the ultra-nationalist Freedom Party of Austria and the far-right National Front in France.
But it is also disturbing how Russia’s history of electoral meddling has become an excuse for Swedish leaders to ignore much-needed reforms.
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