Electoral
in sentence
1238 examples of Electoral in a sentence
Granted, no one is obliged to submit himself to the slings and arrows of
electoral
politics.
It isn’t clear whether Flake is calling for a boycott of
electoral
politics, or merely warning others not to run in races they might not win.
Were May to stick to the normal
electoral
schedule, negotiations would end just 18 months before the general election.
But
electoral
competitiveness is always a necessary condition for democracy - and therefore a central consideration when evaluating a country's prospects for democratization.
These states are
electoral "
underachievers" - weak political rights despite relative affluence.
Unless Arab political culture is shown to be uniquely and permanently inimical to
electoral
competitiveness, it makes more sense to understand the democratic divide in the Muslim world in terms of the political - as opposed to the ethnic or religious - particularities of the Middle East and North Africa.
Tunisia may not be able to prevent special interests from capturing its government, but, if public financing of
electoral
campaigns and restrictions on lobbying and revolving doors between the public and private sectors remain absent, such capture will be not only possible, but certain.
The roots of the current unrest extend back more than a decade, to former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s first
electoral
victory in 2001.
But in 2017, there is renewed hope for the European project, owing to Emmanuel Macron’s election as president of France, and
electoral
defeats for populists in the Netherlands, Austria, and Germany, as well as Trump’s plunging popularity at home.
Similarly, after his recent crushing election defeat, Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti wistfully explained that Italy’s voters were too impatient to bear reforms whose benefits would only become evident beyond the
electoral
cycle.
Given the violent suppression of last September’s mass demonstrations (the “Saffron Revolution”) led by Burma’s Buddhist monks, and the constant repression in the country, it is not surprising that the military junta tries to shroud its despotic tendencies in pseudo-democratic measures such as the sham
electoral
process of the referendum.
A new Disciplinary Chamber will be used to threaten noncompliant judges, and an Extraordinary Audit and Public Affairs Chamber will certify the validity of
electoral
results.
The latter chamber will also have the authority to investigate past
electoral
complaints, effectively empowering the government to overturn court decisions dating back 20 years.
Pointing out their violations of the constitution and protesting make sense only to the extent that they bring the opposition closer to
electoral
victory.
The fact that the Maduro government has stolen three elections in 2017 alone and has blocked the
electoral
participation of the parties with which it is negotiating, again despite massive international attention, suggests that success is unlikely.
Politics has therefore often been more a violent than an
electoral
struggle, and property rights have often been tenuous.
A second answer – that politicians have short time horizons, owing to
electoral
cycles – may contain a kernel of truth, but it is inadequate, because the adverse consequences of timid action often become apparent well before they are up for re-election.
Though elections may not be free and fair, massive
electoral
manipulation is rare and the days when only males, whites, or the rich could vote are long gone.
First, institutions of representation, such as political parties, parliaments, and
electoral
systems, are needed to elicit popular preferences and turn them into policy action.
In Italy, the populist Five Star Movement and the nationalist League party have united in a flaky governing coalition following the
electoral
collapse of the country’s mainstream political forces.
If Néstor and Cristina alternate as heads of state, they could do so indefinitely, because Argentina’s constitution allows for only one consecutive reelection but no limit on the total number of
electoral
terms.
So Leung and his team should put forward proposals to broaden the
electoral
base of the election committee and open up the nominating process for candidates.
Given that he does not have to fear
electoral
defeat, he could help Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy by filing first, which would weaken the political stigma for Rajoy’s government were it to file subsequently.
The force of this political calculus has been charged by the dynamics of the
electoral
cycle in France, Germany and Britain.
Obama, now free of
electoral
shackles, and the international community should give Palestinians’ peaceful effort a chance at life.
But its
electoral
success has so far been limited.
Then again, maybe France will be the third
electoral
loss for extreme-right candidates, after those in Austria and the Netherlands, providing definitive proof that the populist tide can be resisted.
Macron embodies a sea change in French
electoral
politics: the erosion of the traditional cleavage between right and left.
The kingmakers in the event of parity – the smaller parties and
electoral
lists in the center of the political spectrum – have lost most of their bargaining power.
For leaders who have received the financial support of the very rich and the
electoral
support of those left behind, such a plan would seem to be a political winner.
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