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Electoral in sentence

1238 examples of Electoral in a sentence

No Australian prime minister has served a full electoral term since 2007, and we have had four incumbents in the last 27 months alone.
A ludicrous three-year electoral cycle, shorter than almost anywhere else in the world, makes it almost impossible to govern in a campaign-free atmosphere.
It should have to accept, however, that no Arab democracy worthy of the name could refuse to open the electoral gates to political Islam.
Public monopolies like Pemex, private monopolies like Telmex and Cemex, labor monopolies like the teachers’ union, media monopolies like Televisa, and the iron political lock the country’s three parties have on every level of electoral representation, are all stronger than before.
Even in the US, Trump’s appeal is limited, owing to the demographic narrowness of his electoral base.
What will prevent a future electoral majority from grabbing assets again after the economy recovers, as happened in Zimbabwe during and after the 2008-2013 cohabitation agreement?
Confusion, fear, ideology, and electoral self-interest all play a role in the readiness of many members of Congress – despite warnings from the Federal Reserve, the Congressional Budget Office, and most private forecasters – to make such an egregious mistake.
Finally, electoral self-interest.
On the contrary, especially for Republicans from districts with a strong, ideologically motivated base, voting for such deals could trigger a primary electoral challenge from within their own party.
And the current Republican leadership, eager to strengthen their party’s electoral chances in 2016, very much wants to project an image of sober good sense.
In fact, the combination of freedom of expression and electoral competition is the key to improving democracies, because it enables systemic failures – not to mention leaders’ missteps – to be subjected to public scrutiny.
This month, the new mayors took office without the electoral commission (CSE) having made public 100% of the votes, an open violation of Nicaraguan electoral law.
Although the electoral fraud in Managua was the most widely documented, the same modus operandi occurred across the country, affecting more than 40 municipalities.
This culminated a process of electoral fraud that began five months earlier with the suspension of the legal standing of the opposition Conservative Party and the Sandinista Renewal Movement, a rival to President Daniel Ortega’s FSLN.
Until November, Nicaragua was on the way to developing a healthy electoral tradition, backed by high levels of participation.
Ironically, the democratic opening began with Ortega, who unintentionally inaugurated an era of electoral competition when he lost power in 1990.
So Ortega ran the risk of committing electoral fraud, and now the country is paying the price.
Fortunately for Latin America, there is little indication that Sandinista-style electoral fraud is spreading.
And it should be remembered that Latin America’s most recent electoral fraudsters – Manuel Noriega of Panama in 1989 and Alberto Fujimori in Peru in 2000 – were evicted from power before finishing their terms in office.
And much can happen by then to change the electoral equation.
It hardly arises in electoral debate and has generally not led to the emergence of new parties or movements.
Instead, the generational divide shows up in electoral participation.
Despite the increased uncertainty they face, younger citizens are much more disengaged from electoral politics than their parents and grandparents were at the same age.
This generational gap in electoral participation explains why politicians care more about the elderly than about the young.
The relevant question is whether we were right to confront the Troika – a central plank in our January 2015 electoral platform – or whether we should have signed up to our creditors’ “Greek program.”
If almost everyone agrees that more investment is needed to elevate and sustain growth, but most believe that someone else should pay for it, investment will fall victim to a burden-sharing impasse – reflected in the political process, electoral choices, and the formulation of fiscal-stabilization measures.
In the US, few practical measures that address the distributional challenge appear to be part of either major party’s electoral agenda, notwithstanding rhetoric to the contrary.
And the election of Republican governors in major states like Ohio and Florida means that electoral districts can be finessed to boost Trump’s reelection chances in 2020.
His leadership will be sorely tested in the electoral campaign, and also in his presidency should he triumph.
The electoral successes of Bill Clinton in the US and Tony Blair in the United Kingdom had much to do with their deliberate tilts towards the pragmatic, neoliberal, business-friendly center.
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