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Economists in sentence

2720 examples of Economists in a sentence

The Harvard economists Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff say that it takes five years for a country to dig itself out of a financial crisis.
American economists would gladly join Europeans in searching for ways to save the Continent from continued under-performance.
Disparaged by mainstream economists as technically inadequate, Limits to Growth was effectively buried in the following decades, as the pro-market policies spearheaded by US President Ronald Reagan and UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher took root and spread.
The good news is that fewer and fewer economists question the need to shift to a green economy, though this emerging consensus is not yet reflected in the pro-growth rhetoric of economics or in politics and public policy outside of China and exotic outliers like Bhutan.
Economists, beginning with Milton Friedman, have long emphasized top-down monetary policies; but they have failed to reach any useful consensus on the most effective strategy.
All of this implies that analyzing the determinants of economic success is a subject not just for economists.
For example, economists generally agree that agricultural subsidies are inefficient and that the benefits to European farmers come at large costs to everyone else in Europe, in the form of high prices, high taxes, or both.
Some economists worry that negative second-quarter data will dampen inflation expectations, thereby undermining Abe’s plan for boosting growth.
Too many economists are tone-deaf to such distinctions.
Not to worry, some economists, say.
Three German economists, Manuel Funke, Moritz Schularik, and Christoph Trebesch, have just produced a fascinating assessment based on more than 800 elections in Western countries over the last 150 years, the results of which they mapped against 100 financial crises.
The only comforting conclusion that the three economists reach is that these effects gradually peter out.
Open-Access EconomicsCANBERRA – The brouhaha over Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff’s article “Growth in a Time of Debt” may be the most conspicuous and incendiary scholarly controversy since 1974, when two earlier economists, Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman, published a notorious book, Time on the Cross, defending the efficiency of American plantation slavery.
It was possible because economists are not obliged to make their data and programs publicly available when publishing scientific research.
Even in the best-case scenario, in which income distribution did begin to improve, one thing economists of all stripes agree on is that change would be glacially slow.
Even if the rising tide of recovery does lift all boats, as conservative economists like to say, it will not be enough to push many vessels clear of populist tempests.
Leading economists such as Philippe Aghion have published excellent analyses of how this model could balance growth, equality, and overall satisfaction of citizens elsewhere in the world.
These economists argue that labor markets with few restrictions on hiring and firing, low taxes on entrepreneurship, and generous incentives for innovation are compatible with a relatively equal income distribution, high social spending by government, and equalizing social policies such as universal free education.
Most economists who have analyzed the effects of corruption have found it to be detrimental to growth.
Second, China’s strictly controlled society has given rise to well-organized corruption, which – as economists Andrei Shleifer and Robert Vishny argued in the early 1990s – is surely less harmful than the chaotic corruption experienced by, for example, the ex-Soviet countries during their early years of transition.
According to a major study by the economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton last year, the mortality rate for middle-aged, less-educated white men in the US has been surging, in what some observers have called a wave of “despair deaths.”
All of this implies lower growth rates for China – though perhaps not as low as the 6-7% rates that economists like Liu Shijing and Cai Fang are predicting for the next decade.
Following prominent left-leaning economists, Sanders rails against the proposed new Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), even though it would do much to help the developing world – for example, by opening up Japan’s market to Latin American imports.
If so, Bachelet’s economists are very influential indeed, because a similar slowdown has occurred all over Latin America and in emerging countries worldwide.
Piketty’s theory concerns what economists call the functional distribution of income, or the split between providers of labor and owners of capital.
A recent paper by economists at the International Monetary Fund, using a new data set covering many countries, is fairly sanguine about the potential for increased redistribution without undermining economic growth.
Economists have developed some useful indicators, but they are vastly less precise than politicians and the media seem to understand.
Many economists, including the Nobel laureates Paul Krugman and Joseph Stiglitz, advocate precisely such a policy change for Europe.
Economists at Citigroup, for example, boldly concluded that circumstances had never been this conducive to broad, sustained growth around the world, and projected rapidly rising global output until 2050, led by developing countries in Asia and Africa.
But almost all non-Chinese economists anticipated a significant slowdown, which would intensify deflationary pressures worldwide.
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