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Economies in sentence

8198 examples of Economies in a sentence

Yet, despite talk of a rising Asia, only a handful of East Asian economies have moved from low- to high-income status during the past several decades.
Moreover, between 1950 and 2008, only 28 economies in the world – and only 12 non-Western economies – were able to narrow their per capita income gap with the United States by ten percentage points or more.
The East Asian and other economies that achieved dynamic growth and became industrialized did not follow import-substitution strategies; instead, they pursued export-oriented growth.
Nowhere is this more apparent than in analyses of emerging economies’ prospects.
Many now believe that the recent broad-based growth slowdown in emerging economies is not cyclical, but a reflection of underlying structural flaws.
That interpretation contradicts those (including me) who, not long ago, were anticipating a switchover in the engines of the global economy, with autonomous sources of growth in emerging and developing economies compensating for the drag of struggling advanced economies.
For major advanced economies, the financial crisis five years ago marked the end of a prolonged period of debt-financed domestic consumption, based on wealth effects derived from unsustainable asset-price overvaluation.
Against this background, a return to pre-crisis growth patterns could not reasonably be expected, even after advanced economies completed the deleveraging process and repaired their balance sheets.
Technological convergence and the transfer of surplus labor to more productive tradable activities would continue, despite the advanced economies’ anemic growth.
First, emerging economies’ motivation to transform their growth models was weaker than expected.
The global economic environment – characterized by massive amounts of liquidity and low interest rates stemming from unconventional monetary policy in advanced economies – led most emerging economies to use their policy space to build up existing drivers of growth, rather than develop new ones.
Nonetheless, while emerging economies’ prospects were clearly over-hyped in the wake of the crisis, the bleak forecasts that dominate today’s headlines are similarly exaggerated.
There are still a number of factors indicating that emerging economies’ role in the global economy will continue to grow – just not as rapidly or dramatically as previously thought.
This summer, the mere suggestion of a monetary-policy reversal in the United States sparked a surge in bond yields, which triggered an asset sell-off in several major emerging economies.
Only by recognizing the weaknesses of old growth patterns and pursuing the needed structural reforms can emerging economies achieve strong, stable, and sustainable GDP growth – and fulfill their potential as the global economy’s main engines.
Investing in agriculture is the most efficient way to improve food security in Africa, while ensuring that people on the front lines of the fight against climate change can maintain thriving economies and sustainable, healthy environments.
And, though the 2003 SARS outbreak was contained, causing fewer than 1,000 deaths, the disease was on the verge of deeply disrupting several East Asian economies including China’s.
So what factors get economies going and keep them humming?
While a handful of commodity-rich countries have managed to buck the curse, including Botswana, Chile, and Norway, they have, nevertheless, failed to diversify their economies, remaining dependent on natural resource-based exports.
Given unlimited time, less-developed commodity-rich countries would first invest in human capital and institutions, then direct their growing commodity revenues into infrastructure, and move on to diversify their economies by strengthening the agriculture, manufacturing, and service sectors.
In the real world, of course, such countries’ political economies demand short-term gains, beginning with basic services like potable water and electricity.
They also saw an economy that, since reconstruction began after World War II, had significantly outperformed the expected growth of European economies.
And they saw an economy growing considerably faster than North Atlantic economies had when they possessed the same absolute and relative economy-wide productivity levels.
The West would also do well to reinforce the economies and institutions of states in Russia’s “near abroad” against destabilization.
Probing the Productivity ParadoxWASHINGTON, DC – Over the last decade or so, productivity growth has slowed considerably in most major developed economies, even as impressive advances have been made in areas like computing, mobile telephony, and robotics.
In most advanced economies and many emerging economies, investment rates fell sharply in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, and have still not returned to pre-crisis levels.
But innovation is often embedded in capital and needs new investment to spread across economies.
With political gridlock blocking an appropriate fiscal response – after 2008, the United States Congress did not pass an annual budget, a basic component of responsible economic governance, for five years – central banks have been forced to bolster economies artificially.
Given that affluent households spend a smaller share of their incomes and wealth, greater inequality translates into lower overall consumption, thereby hindering the recovery of economies already burdened by inadequate aggregate demand.
And, while recovery in the advanced economies boosted exports, persistent overcapacity, combined with slower household-consumption growth than in 2012, caused investment growth, though still rapid, to decline to its lowest rate in the past 11 years.
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