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Economies in sentence

8198 examples of Economies in a sentence

Last year, Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti, with the backing of the four largest eurozone economies – Germany, France, Italy, and Spain – called for a €130 billion ($170 billion) stimulus package to improve competitiveness across the EU.
Are IMF policies too tough, even perverse, pushing economies into bankruptcy?
Asia’s economies also paid attention to their budgets at a time when huge bailouts made it imperative to demonstrate a glimmer of fiscal conservatism.
Unfortunately, the IMF failed to point out its success in Mexico; unfortunately Asia’s economies were allowed to think that their experience was unique even if, on the way down and on the way up, it really was a replay of what Mexico had been through.
When economies collapse in ways never expected, they reach for true religion and hard cures.
This is reflected in the persistently sluggish recovery in the advanced economies today.
And the incidence of child labor rose beyond the levels seen in some of the poorest Sub-Saharan African economies today.
The more likely scenario, however, is that economies like Canada, Europe, and Mexico will seek to offset the impact of Trump’s tariffs by deepening their ties with China – an obvious win for America’s main global competitor.
And, because solar plants can generally be operated independently of complex interregional electricity grids, they provide less developed countries a way to electrify their economies without building expensive new infrastructure.
So far, the answer has been to borrow, leading to today’s massive debt overhangs in advanced economies.
In both cases, economies were pervasively weakened before they collapsed.
Iceland, Switzerland, and the UK have all learned the hard way that allowing banks to become big relative to their economies brings with it great risks.
Chinese solar-panel manufacturers are estimated to have a 20% cost advantage over their US peers, owing to economies of scale and more advanced supply-chain development.
The economies of the United States and Britain are today fundamentally different because of what they did.
But anyone who recalls what the American and British economies were like before Reagan and Thatcher, and who knows the changes that they introduced, must also recognize that the world cannot go back.
The Marshall Plan was a macroeconomic strategy involving massive capital transfers to help reconstruct the war-ravaged industrial capacity and infrastructure of economies with well-developed institutions.
Without question, the main responsibility for building these countries’ political systems and reforming their economies rests with their citizens.
The good news is that the economies of the Arab Awakening countries do not suffer from the deep distortions that characterized post-communist Europe.
It is fitting that this threat to national economies and to every person on earth, and the opportunity to counter it, should be tackled with the backing of multilateral development institutions.
At the time, many leaders seemed to think that the ECB's move would be enough: Announcement made, money printed, economies back on track.
In order to get economies back on track, QE is a useful step, but only as part of a larger package of measures.
Under these conditions, it is impossible for the majority of humanity to participate effectively in their national economies, much less the global one.
How are these two economic facts to be reconciled and what does this divided economy tell us about Europe, east and west, as well as other economies where the percentage of people in work may be stagnant or falling?
Europe’s leaders recognized that distressed countries’ debts would become unmanageable unless their economies could grow, and that growth could not be achieved without assistance.
The resulting austerity will hinder Europe’s growth, and thus that of its most distressed economies: after all, nothing would help Greece more than robust growth in its trading partners.
The European Central Bank’s vehement opposition to what is essential to all capitalist economies – the restructuring of failed or insolvent entities’ debt – is evidence of the continuing fragility of the Western banking system.
As a result, Western economies are running chronically below their potential – and risk undermining their future potential.
Over time, Western political systems will evolve to meet the needs of their economies.
But, while this is good news for some, it is inadequate to arrest the rising inequality of income, wealth, and opportunity – or to unleash the inclusive prosperity that Western economies can and should be generating.
The reasons for this progress are well known: with the exception of 2001 and 2009, these were boom years for commodity-exporting countries like Brazil, Argentina, Peru, Chile, and, of course, Venezuela, as well as for manufacturing-based economies, like Mexico.
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