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Demonstrators in sentence

242 examples of Demonstrators in a sentence

Initially, fewer than 200 peaceful demonstrators gathered in an effort to protect Taksim Square – the last green space left in central Istanbul – against the construction of yet another shopping mall.
The brutal crackdown on demonstrators calling for an end to military rule in Egypt must animate the US to impress upon the army the urgency of returning to a transition path that leads to civilian rule.
But when demonstrators fulfilled their promise and evacuated occupied buildings, Yanukovych resorted to force in an effort to end the protests altogether.
Indeed, the police began firing into crowds of demonstrators, and have reportedly killed at least 70 and injured hundreds more.
But, though such forces do exist, the vast majority of demonstrators on the Maidans across the country are ordinary people angry about abuse of power, state violence, official impunity, and corruption.
For the venal and vicious elites who have taken control of Ukraine, the real threat is these demonstrators’ perseverance, not the provocations of a radical fringe.
Mir Hossein Moussavi saw the green symbols of the demonstrators as representing the color of the House of the Prophet, and urged his supporters to continue their nightly rooftop chants of “God is Great!”
South Korea’s government expressed its distaste for how Chinese visitors assaulted peaceful human rights demonstrators as the Olympic torch passed through that country.
But, as with the March 2008 Tibetan demonstrators, anyone at the Olympics who tries to call attention to the regime’s record of abusing human rights will be dealt with firmly.
In Thailand, red-shirted demonstrators from the country’s rural northeast rant and rage against the military, social, and political elites of Bangkok.
These tactics were used, for example, against Christian demonstrators in October 2011 (28 dead, 212 injured), non-Islamist pro-revolution youth in November 2011 (51 dead, more than 1,000 injured), and again in December 2011 (seven dead).
After Golunov’s release, police detained more than 500 demonstrators who remained in the streets of central Moscow, protesting Russia’s broader suppression of independent media and detention of political prisoners.
That episode played no small part in Hoover’s electoral defeat (an outcome that might have served as a warning to Trump, who similarly called in troops to disperse demonstrators).
In 1968, at a time of full employment, a combination of boredom and revolutionary utopianism led young demonstrators to erect barricades in Paris.
But, for many of the demonstrators, whatever governments do now seems too little, too late.
The recent resignation of Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi did not appease the demonstrators, who are calling for an overhaul of the entire political system and an end to foreign interference.
According to one recent survey, only 1% of the demonstrators trust Iran, 7% trust the US, while 60% trust Sistani.
This lack of transparency can be amusing or frustrating for demonstrators who find themselves unable to recognize friends and comrades.
Demonstrators have taken to the streets in Morocco, for example, to denounce what they call the “Summit of Shame.”
For both the demonstrators and their opponents, social media have been a crucial means of shaping the narrative, enabling them to share images of, say, police brutality or protester violence.
For one thing, the deadly assault on student-led demonstrators remains a dark and hidden chapter in China’s communist narrative.
And his blood-soaked rule influenced his successor, Deng Xiaoping, who ordered the savage assault on the Tiananmen demonstrators.
At one point, around 100 people were trapped by police in a church on Independence Square, which attracted still more demonstrators to the scene outside.
The regime’s current strategy has three prongs: to wait until demonstrators lose their resolve, to detain the most active individuals (journalists as well as labor and protest leaders), and to intimidate the general public so that the demonstrations don’t grow.
Many of the demonstrators lead perhaps the most Western lifestyles in the former Soviet Union, and they have come to recognize that paternalism means further stagnation, not stability, and is preventing them from achieving personal goals.
Four demonstrators have been shot dead in Assam (and two more killed in the chaos), curfews have been imposed, police have invaded universities, and Internet and telephone services have been suspended in some areas.
After a week of mostly peaceful protests, the OMON (riot police) have returned to the streets in full force, with the aim of intimidating striking workers and separating them from the other demonstrators – the familiar strategy of divide and rule.
In any case, the Lukashenko regime’s effort to separate the demonstrators (mainly young people with white-red-white flags) from the striking workers is now fully underway across Minsk.
And early in the current protests, he invoked a racist trope, warning demonstrators that, “when the looting starts, the shooting starts.”
Yet Algeria and Sudan, neither of which was swept up in the 2011 turmoil, are now trying their luck at challenging the often-surreptitious powers that be – what Algerian demonstrators back in 1988 dubbed le pouvoir.
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