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Demonstrations in sentence

476 examples of Demonstrations in a sentence

Instead of hearing about a crackdown in Urumqi, Xinjiang’s capital, we might be reading about hundreds killed on the streets of Almaty, and columnists would be making comparisons to the bloody crushing of Ukrainian independence demonstrations in Lvov the previous year.
After all, the demonstrations by millions of people to demand an end to the rule of President Hosni Mubarak and his National Democratic Party (NDP) are not an unprecedented phenomenon in the country.
Moreover, the current mass demonstrations are radically different from previous protest movements that the army suppressed.
Social unrest, whether expressed in blogs or spontaneous demonstrations, is mounting.
As Argentina's economy unravels in street demonstrations, food riots, and political tumult, conventional wisdom suggests that a lethal combination of reckless government spending and a fixed exchange rate is to blame.
Yet Cairo remains restless, and the government fears another outpouring of support for democracy, as the judges have called for renewed nationwide demonstrations.
Exhausted BrazilRIO DE JANIERO – The demonstrations that are shaking Brazil’s normally laid-back society are channeling a widespread sentiment: enough is enough!
Nevertheless, there are many economic reasons to worry about the effect of the demonstrations.
To guarantee their understanding of “stability,” the tandem contrasts the continuous middle-class protests with a wave of regime-orchestrated demonstrations.
Europe Moves EastPARIS – Madrid and Warsaw recently looked very similar: both were the sites of massive demonstrations.
The differences between the demonstrations in Madrid and Warsaw suggest that the distinction between Old and New Europe remains valid, though not in the way that Rumsfeld meant.
By not keeping its promises to allow peaceful demonstrations and free Internet access, China undercut its soft-power gains.
Gorbachev refused to sanction the use of force to put down demonstrations.
As mass demonstrations and the latest polls make clear, the majority of Americans who did not back Trump may vote for Democrats in 2018.
The Reality of Virtual PowerDAVOS – As Arab regimes struggle with demonstrations fueled by Twitter and Al Jazeera, and American diplomats try to understand the impact of WikiLeaks, it is clear that this global information age will require a more sophisticated understanding of how power works in world politics.
The few Saudi demonstrations appear populated almost entirely by minority Shia, who find little sympathy among majority Sunnis, and by foreign construction workers petitioning for higher wages and better working conditions.
In Algeria, demonstrations have lost momentum, and President Abdelaziz Bouteflika can rely on his military to keep diehard activists in check.
April 7 marked the start of a weeklong tribute to the abducted school girls in Nigeria, which will include vigils, marches, demonstrations, letter-writing, and petitions.
Until the nationwide demonstrations on March 24, most people thought that little new could be added to the conversation about the seemingly endless rounds of gun killings.
The second phase would include large-scale test demonstrations to evaluate the most promising technologies by 2025.
Only a few hours after the demonstrations began, government authorities sent a mass text message that urged the protesters to return to their homes, adding that “the Rafallah al-Sahati Brigade, the February 17 Brigade, and the Libya Shield Force are legal, and are subject to the authority of the [military] general staff.”
Now, France has again brought itself to the world’s attention with weeks of street demonstrations against the “contract of first employment” (CFE) proposed by Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin to address high youth unemployment.
What followed was unprecedented political turbulence, including mass demonstrations on a scale never seen before.
But calm is the last thing one can see on the streets of Barcelona, where demonstrations in favor of Catalonian independence – a referendum on which was brutally suppressed by government forces – have been met with equally potent protests against it.
The anti-Japanese demonstrations are a symptom of the old syndrome, fueled by grievances born at a time when China was, indeed, aggrieved and humiliated.
At the same time, the demonstrations represent China’s experience of the world as an unequal place where the weak are inevitably bullied, exploited, and humiliated.
The reaction of China’s leaders to the America’s accidental attack on China’s embassy in Belgrade in 1998, and to the collision of an American spy plane with a Chinese plane over the Pacific, was to permit, if not foment, large anti-foreign demonstrations.
More recently, protesters chanted it during the funeral demonstrations for Grand Ayatollah Hussein Ali Montazeri in the closing days of 2009.
The cries of “God is Great!” have now been overtaken by chants of “Death to the Dictator!” in recent demonstrations in Tehran, Tabriz, Shiraz, and other Iranian cities.
Montazeri was placed under house arrest for six years; demonstrations of support for him were suppressed; and many of his disciples and close friends were imprisoned, tortured, killed, or forced to flee the country.
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