Democratic
in sentence
5167 examples of Democratic in a sentence
Those laws must protect private religious and cultural space for all, without allowing that space to be used as an excuse for infringing on the basic human and
democratic
rights of every individual.
Recalling Hillary Clinton’s famous
Democratic
primary television advertisement, Obama, it turns out, is exactly the sort of president that most of us would want to have in the post for that 3 a.m.
I do not think, therefore, that Obama will be too vexed by some of the criticism he faces at the end of his first year in office, though he will undoubtedly grimace at the defeat of the
Democratic
candidate in the special election in Massachusetts to fill Ted Kennedy’s old seat.
Ambivalent ArabiaA
democratic
tide seems to be sweeping across the Arab world.
So the al-Saud have become Janus-faced: looking in one direction, the royal family encourages
democratic
reformers to speak out; looking in the opposite direction, it jails them when they do.
Russia and China may no longer be communist, but they certainly are illiberal and definitely not
democratic.
The word Yalta, too, has assumed a life of its own, serving for years as a symbol of a division of the world by the great powers: of the large and powerful deciding the fate of the small and powerless without asking their advice, of inadmissibly pragmatic concessions or compromises by
democratic
governments vis-?-vis the overpowering strength of a totalitarian regime.
Do NGO's make world politics more
democratic?
I came to Nepal in mid-2005, when human rights violations committed by both sides in the armed conflict, together with Gyanendra’s crackdown on
democratic
rights as he seized absolute power, led the international community to support a monitoring presence from the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
The Nepali Congress Party, for example, has chosen to remain in opposition, dubious of the Maoists’ commitment to
democratic
politics.
Moreover, as Nepal aspires to become a federal
democratic
republic, expectations are high among diverse groups for greater control of their lives and resources.
The CCP is judging itself not against the Western benchmark of liberal
democratic
governance, but against the ancient Chinese legalist tradition of strong, central authority that maintains legitimacy by upholding meritocratic standards of accountability.
Indeed, the last thing the region’s dictators wanted to see was a
democratic
Iraq.
Even with the spread of
democratic
elections, the region’s leaders tend to come from the ranks of soldiers (Uganda, Rwanda, Zimbabwe), family dynasties (Togo, Kenya, etc), or university professors, lawyers, and economists (Ghana, Malawi, Liberia).
No matter how well intentioned, UNMIK rule cannot be
democratic.
Will the KLA willingly relinquish office if a
democratic
vote goes against them?
Corrupt rulers can use the billions they receive from oil and mining corporations for personal extravagance, or to buy arms for troops to crush
democratic
resistance movements.
Instead of robust executive leadership tempered by a strong
democratic
parliament, committees of national politicians run the show in Europe, in practice sidelining (often brazenly) the European Commission.
It will take firm support and generous assistance to give Ukraine the chance to repel Russian aggression and join the community of democratic, liberal, and prosperous countries.
In an effort to win a
Democratic
senator’s vote for his pending tax-cut bill, he traveled to her state and told lies about her record (though the tax bill was so tilted to the richest 1% of Americans that no
Democratic
senator voted for it).
But, too often, that debate is polarized as national security vs.
democratic
accountability, with no room given to the distinctions that really matter.
Democratic
politicians everywhere vie for the support of ethnic lobbies.
The
democratic
genie is out of the bottle.
By the 1960’s, all of
democratic
Europe was social democratic, a combination of free markets and mass social protection.
With 60,000 people killed in the war on drugs, Mexicans – like Russians following the first chaotic years of
democratic
transition under Boris Yeltsin – opted for political regression, underpinned by nostalgia for rule by a firm, if corrupt, hand.
They regard the PRI’s return as if it were a symptom of
democratic
normalcy, of “kicking the bums out.”
But much more important was what the fascist and authoritarian regimes shared – all were beneficiaries of a sweeping collapse of the legitimacy of
democratic
politics.
After the colonels’ junta there fell in 1974, a
democratic
system sprang up.
In short, the crisis has produced a deep delegitimization of Greece’s
democratic
politicians and their supposed achievements.
The bad news is that regardless of who wins, Turkish democracy will be the loser – at least in the short run, until truly
democratic
forces emerge.
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