Democratic
in sentence
5167 examples of Democratic in a sentence
By limiting prospects for growth for many people, today’s international economic order is inconsistent with the ideals of the great
democratic
revolution of our century, which says that no inhabitant of the world should be left behind.
People in the United States and Western Europe recognize how continuity in their
democratic
systems enhanced their prosperity.
Preserving
democratic
values is hard when large sectors cannot integrate with the global market, when misery obliterates human dignity and a lack of options makes freedom meaningless.
It is hypocritical to promote democracy and then sign a trade agreement that denies workers the basic
democratic
right to organize and join unions.
The checks and balances that unions provide are essential in the workplace, but they are even more important in sustaining fledgling
democratic
regimes.
The events in Iraq demonstrate the failure of
democratic
processes at the international level--and the need to strengthen them.
In the parliamentary election on June 7, the pro-Kurdish Peoples’
Democratic
Party (HDP), received nearly 13% of the popular vote, giving it an expected 80 seats in the 550-member National Assembly.
They also seek efficient governance, economic reforms to stimulate growth, the ouster of collaborators,
democratic
rights, freedom of religion (and perhaps also from religion) – in short, a comprehensive social transformation.
If the Arab societies now in turmoil had
democratic
traditions, they could be expected to find compromises peacefully, through open and honest debate.
Republican candidates in the US are already using the recent murder spree in Paris to blame President Barack Obama, and by extension any future
Democratic
candidate, for being weak.
This bellicosity has had the effect of pushing Hillary Clinton, the front-runner for the
Democratic
presidential nomination, into distancing herself from Obama.
Mueller’s findings obviously raise important questions about transparency and the protection of
democratic
institutions in the digital age.
Despite having allowed themselves to become Kremlin special-operations tools, the major social-media platforms have been reluctant to provide information to
democratic
governments and the public.
Moreover, if Russia can interfere so thoroughly in the US
democratic
process, just imagine what it has been doing in Europe, where we still do not know who financed some of the online advertising campaigns in recent national elections and referenda.
I suspect that we have only just scratched the surface when it comes to exposing foreign meddling in our
democratic
institutions and processes.
That authority belongs to our
democratic
institutions, which are obliged to ensure that social-media companies behave much more responsibly than they are now.
Famines do occur, of course, but rarely, if ever, in genuinely
democratic
countries.
Local climate change can, of course, exacerbate the situation, but given the scope for world trade and the existence of surpluses in many food producing areas,
democratic
governments can deal with the consequences.
Whereas previously the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had campaigned for a single, secular, and
democratic
state across the entirety of mandatory Palestine, our Declaration of Independence endorsed a two-state solution.
It has held that accountability for the crimes of the dictators is a human right – and thus trumps the impunity gained by many Latin American dictators as a condition of allowing
democratic
transitions.
Making the police and the security services accountable can be a particularly tall order in the early years of a new and often fragile
democratic
regime.
If not, one would have to ask what had happened to the European spirit of the 1970’s and 1980’s, when countries such as Greece, Portugal, and Spain, which had just emerged from dictatorship and civil unrest, were welcomed into the European community of
democratic
states.
Thus, although European countries remained democratic, the EU institutions, where sovereignty over crucial decisions was transferred, have remained democracy-free.
Germany will not be challenged to break out of its increasing introversion, no longer obliged to demonstrate its
democratic
post-war credentials by embracing the European cause at every turn.
We undertook more than four decades ago to negotiate Turkish membership once that country became fully
democratic
with an open economy and respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Of course, Plato’s disdain for democracy is never far from the surface of his prose, yet he has a legitimate point: how, after all, can high ethical standards be ensured when
democratic
elections tend to reward self-interest and the lowest common denominator?
Nevertheless, today’s
democratic
citizens mostly lack confidence in the public sphere, and are suspicious of their own economic and political elites.
It is little wonder, then, that
democratic
citizens nowadays focus increasingly on the low ethical standards of their national elites.
Preserving the
democratic
life of the EU and its member states implies a duty – which should be enshrined in the treaty – to uphold standards of official behavior that today’s citizens demand.
These require Ukraine to overhaul its judiciary and law enforcement, and ensure greater adherence to
democratic
norms.
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