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Democratic in sentence

5167 examples of Democratic in a sentence

Democracy is not a panacea, but non-democratic regimes usually pursue worse economic polices than democratic governments do.
Even democratic governments – such as those of Australia, Canada, and India – have resorted to claims that protests are externally controlled in order to discredit local resistance to, say, oil pipelines or coal mines that are supposed to generate profits and growth.
Efforts to limit such freedoms therefore must be regarded as a challenge to all democratic governments and to global cooperation – and they must be stopped.
Yet today the ANC stands accused of both fecklessness and moral decay, and it suffered unprecedented losses to the opposition Democratic Alliance in urban areas in local elections in 2016.
Ultimately, the key is to build democratic institutions that are strong enough to de-escalate violence and protect citizens, which in turn requires that political leaders try new options, and that societies assume more responsibility for their fate.
This active and searching conversation, the hallmark of a democratic polity, is the best hope for better decisions by governments, both at home and abroad.
Like their president, most Russians see no contradiction between improving their personal lives and the country’s international status since the 1990’s and the erosion of democratic institutions.
What could be more democratic?
Only democratic systems and free markets provide the essential signals that a government needs in order to act efficiently.
After all, the good of democratic structures is their predictability.
Keynes and Social Democracy TodayLONDON – For decades, Keynesianism was associated with social democratic big-government policies.
Although he was an architect of core components of social democratic policy – particularly its emphasis on maintaining full employment – he did not subscribe to other key social democratic objectives, such as public ownership or massive expansion of the welfare state.
In short, Keynes aimed to achieve a key social democratic objective without changing the ownership of industry.
Yet, as Keynes would have argued, it is important that the expansion of government involvement is informed by sound economics rather than political ideology, social democratic or otherwise.
Of course, it’s not hard to imagine that Russian hackers did find a way into the Democratic National Committee’s servers, or those used by Hillary Clinton’s campaign, as part of espionage efforts that target government, corporate, and political organizations of all kinds.
Despite its lack of drama, intrigue, and competitiveness, the election was important not because Russia's political class renounced all the key elements of authentic democratic electoral procedures, but because it closed the chapter on Russia's liberal democratic experiment, legitimizing Putin's new Russian political system.
In reality, however, Putin's regime is a strange and complicated mix, which relies upon two important elements: the personal power of Vladimir Putin himself and the growing role of Russia's consolidating democratic institutions.
By contrast, a genuinely repressive iron hand would be far likelier to spur a more potent democratic resistance.
For those who seek a democratic and liberal Russia, the quandary is awful, because to delegitimize Putin only risks bringing darker and more archaic powers to the surface.
But to imagine a democratic and transparent Palestinian Authority when neither Syria, Egypt nor Saudi Arabia (or any other Arab country) show signs of democratization, is a pipe dream.
Such a protectorate may not develop a democratic or transparent Palestinian structure.
It is true that sometimes decision-making in our democratic system takes time.
As heir to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the legendary democratic leader who was hanged by General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq’s government in 1979, Benazir emerged as a symbol of resistance at a young age – but languished in jails and exile in the 1980’s.
To the dismay of some democratic forces, Bhutto stayed the course even after Musharraf imposed emergency rule on November 3 and removed the country’s top judges to ensure his re-election.
She seized that opportunity by bravely traveling throughout the country, despite serious threats to her life, arguing for a democratic and pluralistic Pakistan.
In fact, the current near-uprising is the culmination of a long series of demonstrations since Hong Kong’s handover from the United Kingdom to China in 1997, after Chris Patten, the last British governor failed to persuade China to allow Hong Kong to establish a genuine democratic government.
Corporate campaign contributions increasingly undermine the democratic process, with the blessing of the US Supreme Court.
Until a few decades ago, democratic leaders had to climb the electoral ladder, rung by rung, acquiring along the way a facility for retail politics, stump speaking, and the demands of assembling a working majority.
In 2004, the relatively unknown Illinois state senator delivered a spellbinding speech at the Democratic National Convention.
Finally, there is Macron, a former banker and (briefly) economy minister, who had never entered the slog of democratic politics before the recent election.
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