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Democratic in sentence

5167 examples of Democratic in a sentence

It should become a principle of international relations that democracy and democratization must be supported in all situations; that democratic societies should forego any opportunistic benefits that may come from supporting the enemies of democracy.
That ancient sense of the potent power of shame should be employed today, lest the democratic tide continue to run out.
In Saudi Arabia, the Shia are at the forefront of those welcoming democratic change and participation.
There are too many unions, monopolists, and bureaucrats that behave like hungry sharks, accustomed to feeding off oil revenues and appropriating the extraordinary wealth that Mexico produces but does not share in an equitable and democratic way.
Democratic institutions are designed for making deals between competing interests, with parliaments specializing in finding the right combination of concessions to enable agreement on a generally accepted solution.
Given that the solutions that emerge from their disputations and analyses will be the product of technocratic – not democratic – processes, they are likely to trigger populist backlashes.
The political struggles that this generates will determine whether America will move more closely to the social democratic norm for developed countries, or find some way to accept and rationalize its existence as a country of high economic risk and deep divisions of income and wealth.
Given this looming threat, it is becoming increasingly clear that staying out of the Syrian mess may not be an acceptable choice for countries that have an interest in a calmer and more democratic Middle East.
But because it is finance, not democratic civil society, that is pushing back against the United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union, the Brexit debate will become more bitter, and the fallout more severe.
Many democratic, even anti-Communist politicians are now, paradoxically, defending the overblown governmental powers that are relics of the Communist era.
Nonsense: political parties, democratic institutions, work well only when they draw strength and inspiration from a developed, pluralist civic environment and are exposed to criticism from that environment.
The West has an opportunity – and an obligation – to convince Putin that protecting his own interests requires profound and permanent democratic reform in Russia, starting with an unambiguous commitment to the rule of law.
He bridged the old authoritarian tradition of one man making all political (and almost every other) decision of consequence, with a new openness in word and deed that helped convince the world that Yeltsin and the Russian people had become dedicated followers of democratic fashion.
But the terrorist attacks in Istanbul are unlikely to generate a nervous reaction in restricting democratic rights.
When the Muslim world was thrown into confusion and disarray after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the democratic wing of the Islamist movement was working on a platform of legislative reforms it would propose for EU accession.
How voters decide will be an important test of whether democratic choices in advanced countries are governed by economic rationality or popular passions.
Roughly 75% of today’s small countries were formed in the last 70 years, mostly as a result of broader democratic transitions and in tandem with trade growth and globalization.
Democratic processes are likely to be more sensitive to the real consequences of policies, to the real tradeoffs involved.
So the next time you hear rumblings in the legislature of an emerging democratic country against this or that "technocratic" proposal, think twice before dismissing the deputies' doubts as populist rants.
Thus, institutions are rendered more democratic and governments become more transparent and responsible.
Democratic politicians have a populist tradition, too.
Now he is clearly hamstrung not only by the Democratic opposition, but also, and perhaps more so, by the succession struggles within his own party.
To be sure, America’s ties with Thailand and the Philippines have deteriorated somewhat during Obama’s second term, owing to the US president’s criticism of violations of democratic norms and human rights in both countries.
Yet when a politician is caught in a lie, the consequences are often dire, at least in democratic countries.
He wants to build a “sovereign, united, and democratic Europe,” where citizens again feel a sense of allegiance to the idea of Europe itself.
Under Macron’s plan, each EU member state would hold democratic conventions to debate citizens’ priorities.
The big, open democratic conventions that he has proposed for the first half of 2018 could inject fresh ideas into a stale debate, provide legitimacy for bold reforms, and put pressure on recalcitrant governments.
Macron may be trying to achieve too much at once, but a more democratic, dynamic, and united EU is a prize worth fighting for.
One of the paradoxical results of America’s almost messianic belief in elections as a panacea for all the ills of the Middle East is that Hamas – the winner of democratic elections – has gained a degree of legitimacy that it never had before.
The EU Constitution will make Europe more democratic and more transparent.
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