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Demand in sentence

6331 examples of Demand in a sentence

With the Congressional Budget Office projecting that federal budget deficits will average 4.2% of GDP from now until 2023, domestic saving will come under further pressure, fueling increased demand for surplus saving from abroad and even bigger trade deficits in order to fill the void.
After all, there are no instruments to enforce strict rules at the global level, and the unwinding of today’s global imbalances – led by some revaluation of the renminbi and China’s shift to a growth model based on stronger domestic demand – might be only a matter of time.
That indicator is often used by the EU Commission and the ECB as a proxy for the divergence in competitiveness trends within the eurozone but in fact it does not measure price and cost competitiveness as such; instead, it captures the price effects of changes in aggregate demand.
Still, if competitiveness underpins the sustainability of trade deficits, there is in principle no good economic reason to impose short-run measures – price and cost adjustments – for the purpose of achieving a long-term objective, unless the purpose of price and cost adjustment is indeed to dampen demand.
More progressive taxation, in effect redistributing income from the top to the middle and bottom, would simultaneously reduce inequality and increase employment by boosting total demand.
Turning from speculative conditions to the fundamentals of oil production, it is far from clear that sanctions will reduce Iran’s exports sufficiently to affect the global balance of supply and demand.
A shift on this scale would be smaller than the 700,000-barrel collapse of Venezuelan oil exports since last year, and much smaller than the increase in US daily output of 1.1 million barrels projected over the next 12 months, not to mention the probable reduction in global oil demand caused by the sharp increase in prices since last summer.
In short, the Iran sanctions will have less impact on the global balance of supply and demand than the performance of the world economy and the behavior of other oil producers.
Stress is generally defined as the state that results when the brain instructs the body to make changes in order to adapt to a new or excessive demand and the individual perceives that the demand will exceed the personal resources which he or she has available.
During the Great Depression, a spiral of protectionist trade quotas and tariff restrictions was used to combat monetary deflation, as popular demand for political action met legislative “log-rolling” by representatives of groups with very different – and often very locally oriented – policy priorities.
The OECD thinks these cuts are still insufficient, but Germany's usually polite unions now speak of "acts of force" and 350,000 people demonstrated last June in Bonn to protest the import of "capitalism American style" and demand the Chancellor’s resignation.
Hence, the sales that Prime Minister Putin announced will not increase the demand for pro-market institutions.
If structural reforms simply lower all wages and prices, it may indeed be difficult in the short-term to counter the drop in aggregate demand.
LONDON – The global economy faces a chronic problem of deficient nominal demand.
But the debate about which policies could boost demand remains inadequate, evasive, and confused.
If the core problem is inadequate global demand, only monetary or fiscal policy can solve it.
Negative interest rates are intended to spur credit demand among companies and households.
As Mark Carney, Governor of the Bank of England, has noted, negative interest rates should be used only in ways that stimulate overall global demand, rather than simply to move demand from one country to another via competitive devaluation.
This means that nominal demand will rise only if governments deploy fiscal policy to reduce taxes or increase public expenditure – thereby, in Milton Friedman’s phrase, putting new demand directly “into the income stream.”
And there is no certainty that even if all the countries that have fiscal space used it, the boost to global demand would be sufficient.
But if our problem is inadequate nominal demand, there is one policy that will always work.
If governments run larger fiscal deficits and finance this not with interest-bearing debt but with central-bank money – nominal demand will undoubtedly increase, producing some mix of higher inflation and higher real output.
It is simultaneously argued (sometimes even by the same people) that monetary financing would not stimulate demand because people will fear a future “inflation tax.”
Very small money-financed deficits would produce only a minimal impact on nominal demand: very large ones would produce harmfully high inflation.
One thing is certain: Relying on structural reform, on purely monetary policies, or on the fiscal policies available to governments that believe that all deficits must be financed with debt will not reverse the world’s chronic deficiency of nominal demand.
The opposition Labour Party would demand a general election, but the Conservatives, split as they are over Europe, would unite to block this.
At the same time, rapidly growing middle classes across the developing world would constitute a new source of demand.
With their share of global GDP increasing, developing countries would sustain relative demand for commodities, thereby preventing prices from reverting to the low levels that prevailed in the 1980’s and 1990’s.
In contrast to the United States, however, the boost in consumer demand has not become an engine of growth.
To prevent this, the American State Department summoned the Chilean Ambassador, issued a stern warning to Pinochet, and announced publicly its demand that the plebiscite be held as planned.
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