Cultural
in sentence
2092 examples of Cultural in a sentence
As a result, in both Europe and the United States, much of the debate over immigration is dominated by illiberal voices, the most insistent belonging to politicians who promise to protect the
cultural
integrity of the homeland against the presumed degeneracy of the alien.
For them, newcomers, living in an environment hostile to their way of life, need to preserve the
cultural
practices they bring with them, even if some of those practices – for example, arranged marriages, gender segregation, religious indoctrination – conflict with liberal principles.
He was not making a xenophobic argument that Muslims do not belong in Great Britain, or a multiculturalist argument that Muslims should be allowed to wear whatever traditional garb they believe best expresses their
cultural
and religious sensibilities.
As he pointed out, wearing the nijab is not commanded by the Koran and represents a
cultural
choice, not a religious duty.
Back then, Khatami and Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi “went shopping,” rather than attend a
cultural
event at the Asia Society and risk crossing paths – and shaking hands – with US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
On the contrary, because effective responses to poverty require a sustained focus on social movements,
cultural
and environmental concerns, and political leadership, attention to human well-being can play an important part in reducing material disadvantage.
But new evidence is emerging of the
cultural
barriers to women’s economic advancement, which must be addressed if the world is ever to attain its goal of gender equality.
Moreover, raising women’s
cultural
and economic status can help tackle the problem of what the Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen once called “missing women.”
Indeed, given that most jobs in developed economies require little or no physical strength,
cultural
values that discourage women from working outside the home are rightly regarded as archaic, serving only to undermine women’s economic and political freedoms.
More and more, populist leaders regard their election by the majority of voters as a license to crush all political and
cultural
dissent.
The potency of such efforts tends to be shaped by
cultural
norms, the institutional bargaining power of labor, the level of trust between labor and business, and the influence of individual and corporate wealth on politics.
Being welcomed within the great international family of the West will reassure them, stabilize them, and contribute to their political, cultural, and economic development.
"We have common
cultural
and humanitarian interests, and we are not immune from other’s problems.
They have helped power the world’s great economies and shaped our modern social and
cultural
landscape.
It is hard to overestimate the impact that the automobile has had on our political, economic, social, and
cultural
life over the past century.
That really would be a
cultural
revolution.
The third potential source of conflict consists in the fundamental
cultural
differences created by societies’ unique histories and institutional arrangements.
But, as new economic powerhouses rise, they will increasingly challenge the West, and not just for market share and resources; they will seek to infuse the global order with their own
cultural
understandings and frames of reference.
That way, immigration will improve the quality of supply in the labor market and boost firms’ competitiveness, without generating
cultural
pressures.
And while immigration liberals are right that migrants will help to ease demographic pressures in recipient countries, the prohibitionists are right that the newcomers will place considerable
cultural
stress on their new communities, particularly in Europe.
Together, these parties should take a binary approach, addressing both “hardware” factors (which remain constant, such as physical distance to treatment centers and elongated supply chains) and “software” factors (the intangibles that vary greatly in each region, such as the role of family and
cultural
beliefs).
Debates over the Taj Mahal’s position as a symbol of multicultural India have yet to be settled, yet the nation is already being torn apart further by another
cultural
controversy – this time, over a film.
For some Hindus, the difference between historical fact and
cultural
myth does not matter; what is remembered and believed is as important as what is verifiable.
Perhaps the coastal areas of South Korea, Japan, Vietnam, and China’s eastern seaboard share some common
cultural
characteristics and a similar economic strategy.
But it cannot rely only on some local economic breakthrough without any broader
cultural
and strategic underpinning.
The fragility of Asia does not mean that Western domination is guaranteed: with its universities,
cultural
values, entertainment industry, and strong military, the West keeps an edge, but maybe not forever.
Cultural
pressure is already pushing people to favor particular traits in their offspring; in the United States, for example, buyers in the market for human eggs can shop for height, hair color, and intelligence.
Italy, for example, is under constant threat of
cultural
and economic separatism, albeit in a peaceful way.
Over the last few months, the two leaders have agreed on a package of confidence-building measures, including two new crossing points along the Green Line that divides the island; improved mobile, radio, and electricity connections; and mechanisms for business and
cultural
cooperation.
But perhaps its most remarkable impact would be
cultural.
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